Thursday, March 11, 2021

Gonzales case may answer the question of shills in judicial races

Some readers get aggravated with me from time to time, and never more so when the subject is "shills."

I accept the possibility that, perhaps, now and then, this candidate or that one has entered the lists at the behest of another candidate -- statistics show that, for example, in general, a male candidate will be disadvantaged in a one-on-one race with a female. But... maybe... if the male candidate can recruit one or two other women to enter the race -- just enter the race, without campaigning -- sufficient votes may be divided between or among the female candidates to allow the male candidate to slip through.

That's the theory, at least. In practice, it doesn't work out so well.

In a comment submitted to FWIW on a post last year, Dr. Albert J. Klumpp, a research analyst with a public policy PhD, and the author of several scholarly works analyzing judicial elections, stated that his research disclosed 33 instances of probable shill candidacies in countywide circuit court contests between 1994 and 2004. He found that "there were instances where a ringer meant the difference between victory and defeat for a slated candidate. But the success rate was less than 25 percent. So it’s no surprise that there were none after 2004. Benefits didn't justify costs."

I'm not positive that there haven't been any shill candidacies in countywide judicial races since 2004 -- but I am dead certain sure that there haven't been nearly as many as charged.

In the last election cycle, Injustice Watch ran a story (published also in the Chicago Sun-Times) calling out a number of alleged "shills" by name. I ran a lengthy response here. (See also, Wait... I thought shills weren't supposed to have lawn signs... and Guest Post: Bonnie McMgrath responds to Injustice Watch story on shills.)

The bottom line is that, as employed in recent years, the accusation of being a "shill" is just another campaign slur, like "extremist" or "Trumpite" or "lizard person."

OK, I haven't actually seen a mailer accusing a Cook County judicial candidate of being a lizard person. Yet. But I wouldn't be at all surprised.

And "shill" is a particularly good slur to bandy about because it is intended to injure at least two people: The candidate who is allegedly the shill and the candidate who recruited the shill. And the implication is that both the recruiter and the recruited have done something illegal, immoral, or fattening.

Gonzales v. Madigan, 2021 U.S. App. LEXIS 6635 (No. 20-1874, 3/8/21), does not resolve the morality question. But Judge Easterbrook's brief, tart opinion leaves little doubt that the use of shills is not illegal.

Jason Gonzales challenged Michael J. Madigan in the 2016 Democratic Primary for state representative. Also on the ballot that March were Grasiela Rodriguez and Joe Barboza. Quoting now from the Gonzales opinion (slip op. at p. 2),

Gonzales contends in this suit under 42 U.S.C. §1983 that Rodriguez and Barboza were stooges put on the ballot by Madigan’s allies to divide the Hispanic vote and ensure Madigan’s victory. The effort was hardly necessary, since if every non-Madigan vote had gone to Gonzales he still would have lost in a landslide. Nonetheless, Gonzales contends, the appearance of two candidates who served only as distractors violated the Equal Protection Clause in the Fourteenth Amendment and entitles him to damages (perhaps represented by the expenses of his failed run).

Dismissal of the suit was upheld because, even if the other two Hispanic candidates were recruited by Madigan (who denied any such thing), the alleged "sponsorship" was no secret. Quoting again from the opinion (slip op. at p. 3),

Gonzales smelled a rat from the start and made that known to the electorate, which swept Madigan back into office anyway. An editorial in the Chicago Sun-Times agreed with Gonzales about the provenance of the Rodriguez and Barboza candidacies, so the voters did not have to take his word for it.

Gonzales relied on Smith v. Cherry, 489 F.2d 1098 (7th Cir. 1973), which, according to the new Seventh Circuit opinion (slip op. pp. 2-3), "held that a stalking-horse candidacy, in which the nominal contestant secretly planned to withdraw after winning the primary and permit a party commitee to name the candidate for the general election, could in principle violate the Equal Protection Clause." The Gonzales court describes Smith as "a bolt from the blue. It does not have any predecessors that we could find. Nor has it had any successors" (slip op. at p. 5).

I'd have thought, reading Smith, that its predecessor was Shakman v. Democratic Organization of Cook County, 435 F.2d 267 (7th Cir. 1970), which the Smith court quoted for the principle, "The interests of candidates in official treatment free from intentional or purposeful discrimination are entitled to constitutional protection" (489 F.2d 1098, at 1103, quoting from 435 F.2d at 270). Shakman isn't just a predecessor of Smith: Though now over 50 years old, the case is still pending (see, Shakman v. Clerk of Cook County, 2020 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 67626 (opinion by Magistrate Judge Schenkier)).

Michael Shakman was a young lawyer when he sought election to Con-Con -- the same Constitutional Convention at which a young Michael J. Madigan got his start in electoral politics.

Shakman ran from a district that included Hyde Park, where he had attended law school.

In 1969 there were few places within the corporate limits of the City of Chicago where the legendary Machine of Mayor (and, more imporant, Cook County Democratic Party Chairman) Richard J. Daley did not hold sway. But Hyde Park was one of these. Even Mr. Shakman admitted, in this 2008 interview for the Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library, that the Machine could not "reliably dominate" the district from which he ran. In fact, as the interview reveals, Shakman got through the initial round of voting to be elected as a delegate. There were four finalists, independents Shakman and civil rights activist Al Raby, and the "organization" candidates, Attie Belle McGee and Odas Nicholson (later a Circuit Court judge). Raby and Nicolson won. Shakman finished third.

Shakman's claim, that he was constitutionally disadvantaged by the patronage armies of the Daley Machine in Hyde Park, must have seemed as implausible to the District Judge initially assigned to that case, Arbraham Lincoln Marvoitz, as Jason Gonzales' claim, that Michael J. Madigan needed to recruit ringers in order to win, seemed to Judge Easterbrook. But a panel of Easterbrook's predecessors reversed Marovitz.

Anyway, it would appear that Cook County judicial candidates are free to recruit shills if they think it will help their prospects. Which it probably won't.

Besides, if "just run" is deemed a plausible and even potentially successful campaign strategy, how the heck would you be able to tell a shill from anyone else?

And Gonzales won't stop people from accusing some candidates of being shills. But I don't have to repeat baseless accusations here.

Tuesday, March 09, 2021

Or you could just run? The pros and cons, especially the cons, of slating

Democratic Party judicial slating is a pretty commercial transaction, especially when you consider what is being bought and what is being sold.

Oh, I know, even the newest newbies have heard all about that, right? For a contribution---an assessment---of somewhere around $40,000 the candidate gets his or her name on two mailers, along with a postage-stamped sized photo, or the opportunity to be posed in a very exclusive group shot. Seems like an awful lot for a very little, doesn't it? But, wait! There's more... or, perhaps, less: For that same $40,000 the candidate gets the right to be invited to every politician's fundraiser, and the obligation to kick in a generous donation to each one. Sounds super, doesn't it?

But you know what, kids? It was ever thus, even in the far off days of Richard J. Daley:

Once slated for office, the candidate is expected to carry his own load as part of the ticket. The central committee does very little except to arrange appearances for him at the various ward and township organizations during the campaign. He is expected to raise his own campaign funds, establish his own campaign office, do his own advertising, and reach those segments of the electorate to whom he supposedly has the greatest appeal on behalf of the ticket. In fact, a candidate for a major office, rather than getting campaign funds from the county central committee, is expected to make a major contribution to the county central committee for the privilege of being slated for office by the party. He is also expected to buy tickets for every ward and township organization dinner dance, picnic, and golf day.

Milton L. Rakove, Don't Make No Waves, Don't Back No Losers, p. 98 (Indiana University Press, 1975).

Here's the thing though: It isn't just about the money. The Democratic Party of Cook County would have no trouble recruiting judicial candidates willing to pay a great deal more than $40,000. If the Party opened it up to auction, there would be candidates lined up down LaSalle Street outside the Party's offices. If they were asked to, the wannabes would climb the stairs to the Party's offices on their knees, like pilgrims at the end of a Spanish mountain trail, brandishing blank checks instead of rosaries.

At least this would happen once.

Whether it would happen again would depend on whether the high bidders won.

Slating by the Democratic Party of Cook County is valuable because so many of the slated candidates win. Not all do, of course, but enough do. So the Party slating process is not just about money, or ideology, or qualifications, or ethnic balance, or special interests. All of these factor in, certainly, but the bottom line is winning.

The Democratic Party's challenge grows greater with each election cycle. There is no one Boss in Cook County and there hasn't been one for decades. Certain individuals have, in recent cycles, exercised outsize influence on the slating process. President Preckwinkle arguably still does. Senate President Harmon's influence has presumably grown substantially in recent years. But other stars have faded. Mr. Burke is no longer on the Central Committee. While he still is 13th Ward Committeeman, Mr. Madigan's influence has waned. There is no Machine as such; there is at most a coalition of competing interests. The 80 ward and township committeepersons hail from different communities and backgrounds, with different priorities. In ordinary circumstances, though some of the 80 are ideological soulmates, the group as a whole would have difficulty agreeing on the time of day or day of the week. And yet, this diverse group will, some time this summer, on paper at least, unanimously endorse a slate of judicial candidates and a number of alternates.

It never exactly works out that way. Check the archives here and you will find: Some judicial candidates have been SLATED and some were merely slated. Those of us on the outside may not have found out which was which until Election Day or shortly before as palm cards revealed who had broken ranks. But that is the challenge for the slatemakers: To keep enough of the 80 committeepeople together behind a slate, and to keep enough of those slated in the Winner's Circle, so that the Party can say they, collectively, carried the day... and thereby ensure that there will be a new crop of willing wannabes ready to pay in the next election cycle.

But here's the secret: Within all the limitations under which it must function, the Democratic Party is trying to pick winners, just as you would do scanning the card on an afternoon at Arlington. The analogy is imperfect, as all analogies are. For one thing, the Party bets on the slated candidate with the candidate's own money. And the Party does more for the candidate than an ordinary $2 bettor does for a winning horse -- although still less than the jockey.

Party slating does not automatically make you a winner, but it does mean the Party thinks you have the makings of a winner. And it is willing to back you... with your own money.

In the course of operating this site, I have observed slated candidates who were deathly afraid to appear at an event at which non-slated candidates were featured. But go back and read Rakove again: Even in the far off days of Richard Daley the First, the slated candidate was expected to reach out beyond the Party's staged events to "reach those segments of the electorate to whom he supposedly has the greatest appeal on behalf of the ticket." I don't know for certain, but I am reasonably confident there would be no adverse consequence for the candidate asked to share a stage with non-slated judicial candidates, especially where the slated candidate said sufficiently nice things about those on stage but nevertheless asked those within hearing to support the entire ticket. Slated judicial candidates who would not branch out beyond Party-sponsored events have not always fared well.

I do not mean to minimize the import or effectiveness of Party slating in Cook County. If the opportunity presents itself, you should grab hold with both hands. Even if turns out that you were only slated, you will have the opportunity to make a name for yourself, and to be invited to every event, and overcome any defections among the ranks.

So how does one get slated? Well, if I knew that, I'd have done it myself, and long ago.

But, at this stage in the election cycle, I have observed that there are persons who come out of the woodwork holding themselves out as persons who can 'get' a person slated. For a fee, of course. And some of these people may actually have some influence. But these persons offering assistance are looking for winners, too. They want to be able to use their early involvement in your successful campaign as an inducement to recruit other wannabes in election cycles yet to come.

These persons may be able to put you in front of a number of committeemen; they may even come with you for the meetings. And, of course, you will be impressed at the warmth with which your new friend is received by the committeepersons in question. But this does not prove influence, however, only familiarity. And maybe you could have secured some or all of these meetings on your own.

At this point in the process, see who you can. Accept guidance from anyone you choose, or go it alone. You may even leave some of these meetings thinking that you have received some promise, or at least some hope, of support.

Just don't bet on it. Committeepersons are politicians. And politicians are persons who can tell you to go to Hell and make you look forward to the trip.

You, Mr. or Ms. Wannabe Candidate, need not debase yourself as a mere supplicant, hoping that the Party will magically turn you from an ugly ducking into a beautiful swan. Make no promises. Swear no oaths. You are shopping, not begging, and the Party is shopping, too.

Friday, March 05, 2021

COVID-19 update -- and a non-political question about mask mandates

As we approach the first anniversary of our two-week shutdown, let us take stock of where we are:

  • The Cook County Chief Judge's Office announced on Tuesday of this week that two more employees had tested positive for COVID-19, one who works for the Adult Probation Office in Bridgeview, the other in the Social Service Department at the George N. Leighton Criminal Courthouse. This brings to 280 the current total of employees of the Chief Judge's Office who have tested positive for COVID-19. There have also been 21 judges (out of a total of about 400) who have testested positive;

  • The Chief Judge's Office announced on February 24 that criminal jury trials will resume this month, with the first of these planned for 26th Street on March 22 and in Bridgeview on March 29;

  • The number of COVID-19 cases is unquestionably going down in Illinois, at least at the moment. Last October 25, there were 4,062 new cases. The day before, a Saturday, there had been 6,161. I looked at the numbers again in November -- and on November 10 there were 12,623 cases reported. But, then, the State had started counting, and reporting, cases differently: In early November the State began reporting actual and probable cases. This is still how things are being done -- but yesterday, according to IDPH, there were 1,740 new and probable COVID-19 cases. That's a lot more than the 12 -- not a typo -- actually just a dozen -- cases that were reported on March 16, 2020, just before the world ended -- but, clearly, a considerable improvement over last fall;

  • The one-shot Johnson & Johnson vaccine is now being administered in the Chicago area. That brings to three the total number of vaccines that none of us can get yet. And, actually, that is already an exaggeration: My wife and my youngest son, both teachers, have received their first doses of vaccine. While most people I talk to have not yet received a vaccine, almost everyone actually knows someone who has. It is coming. Eventually.

And with the decline in cases, and the increase in vaccine availability, government officials are starting to ease restrictions of businesses, including restaurants and bars, here and across the State. There will be an NCAA Men's Basketball Tournament this year, with some fans permitted, although the tournament will be played in a "bubble" in Indianapolis instead of at sites around the country. Fans are sitting, socially distant, in the stands at Spring Training games in Arizona. Many of these moves---most of them, I believe---have been met with relief and even cautious applause.

Governors in Texas and Mississippi have gone so far as to lift mask mandates in their states, however, and the media, and my Facebook and Twitter feeds, are all in high dudgeon. President Biden has chastisted these as "Neanderthal" moves.

Do not worry: This in not going to be a Political Post. Some readers grouse when I stray too far from #CookCountyJudicial posts, admonishing me to stay in my lane. I don't see how I'm ever going to get a cushy gig on a Sunday morning news panel if I don't branch out into national topics -- I can be just as loud and just as wrong as any of them if only given the chance. That, and a good toupee.

But put that aside for the moment. At this point in the electoral cycle, we are mostly lawyers and judges here. Words are our stock and trade. Words like "mandate."

When we use the word "mandate" or "mandatory" we mean that something must happen or someone must do something. When a mandatory disclosure date is set, and passes, and nothing happens, we lawyers can expect more than just a rueful sigh from the judge presiding. A mandatory deadline can be extended, of course (and thank God for that, too, or I'd have been disbarred a hundred times over), but, at some point, a line is drawn in the sand, and consequences will obtain if we fail to comply with that last and final, double-secret probation deadline.

I assume that all of you reading here are compliant with our local mask mandates. I have heard masks analogized to pants -- neither is required for Zoom meetings, but both are essential when going to the store.

But I further assume that most of you also know people, or at least see people, who do not wear masks. I certainly have: People who put on a mask to get past the 'mask required for entry' sign -- and take it off again as soon as they are safely inside the store. Perhaps they think themselves clever. Perhaps you have harrumphed at some of these people and gotten an earful of abuse for your pains.

Are these scofflaws arrested? Are our criminal dockets crowded with maskless offenders? Are our prisons bulging with chronic mask refusers? Are our municipal coffers overflowing with fines remitted by maskless miscreants? Not that I've heard. Or read. Have any of you heard or seen differently?

Now let me turn the question around, just a little. Suppose our own Governor Pritzker decides to lift the mask mandate here in Illinois. Not because COVID-19 is over, but solely because it becomes, for some reason, politically expedient. This is obviously not going to happen here anytime soon, I know, but we are lawyers. We are used to answering hypothetical questions in argument.

Upon the hypothetical lifting of our own mask mandate, keeping in mind that you still have not been vaccinated, and neither have most members of your family, and that COVID-19 is still coursing through the community, would you immediately cast aside your mask and gambol madly down Madison Street or Michigan Avenue, shaking hands with everyone you meet (no more elbow bumps for you)?

Of course not.

At least, I hope not.

You wear your mask in public, not because some politician says so, but because, from what you've read, and heard, and seen, and experienced, you are persuaded that mask-wearing protects you and yours and those around you. So do I. (I bet a lot of folks in Texas and Mississippi feel that way, too, whatever their governors may say, but I promised not to go there, and I won't.)

So... despite what we call it, the mask "mandate," here or anywhere in this country, is more of a strong suggestion than a mandate. We don't punish people who disobey it.

And this, for me, is a problem. I don't mean that I want to punish the scoffers. (Well, maybe just a little....) My concern is that calling a suggestion, or request, a mandate undermines the rule of law.

Our system depends on people respecting and obeying the law. When specific laws (or mandates) are seen to be ignored, or not enforced, people may be encouraged to ignore other laws, too. Or think they may choose which laws to obey and which laws not to. This is not something new in America. See, Prohibition. See also, the "War on Drugs." I could do a pretty lengthy string cite here, and I'll bet you could, too.

There will be a lot to rebuild when this two-week shutdown eventually ends. The economy, including our own personal economies, for one. But can we also give some thought to how we will repair the damage caused to the rule of law by well-intentioned "mandates"?

Tuesday, March 02, 2021

Or you could just run? More suggestions... for what they're worth

This has turned into a series. So be it.

A commenter yesterday cautioned me against giving away "tradecraft" for free. Tradecraft seems a rather exalted term for the reminiscences and suggestions I'm sharing here.

But, if you find these posts, or any posts on this site, useful or entertaining, there is a Paypal button in the blog Sidebar that you can use at your convenience. If you're reading this on your phone you will have to scroll all the way to the bottom of the page and push the "View Web Version" button in order to get to the Sidebar. Thank you.

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So you want to be a judge, eh? Before you ‘just run,’ browse through the archives here (links to all posts can be found in the blog Sidebar). You will find examples of:

  • People with ‘good’ ballot names who did not win;
  • People with glowing, unanimously positive bar ratings who did not win;
  • People who spent a lot of money and did not win;
  • People who received ‘big’ endorsements (e.g., the Tribune, or the Chicago Federation of Labor) and did not win;
  • People who received Supreme Court appointments to the bench and did not win;
  • People who were slated by the Democratic Party and did not win.

Indeed, you will find examples of some people who fit within two or more of the above categories and did not win.

So, does it follow that you should not worry about any of these supposed advantages and ‘just run’?

No. Hell, no.

This is a free country, of course, and you can just toss your hat in the ring and see what happens. You might win.

You might win the Powerball jackpot with a single $2 ticket, too. (This has not worked for me so far, however.)

And the archives will reveal that there are also instances where someone has won without spending a lot of money, without first getting appointed, without bothering with bar evaluations, and without apparent support from any political party.

But you, judicial wannabes, are lawyers and, hopefully, good ones. You know the value of preparation. While there have been stories of lawyers picking up a file for the first time in the morning and winning the trial in the afternoon, these tales often crumble, at least a bit, on close examination. I remember hearing a story once, 40 years ago perhaps, about a young lawyer who was handed a garden-variety PI file for the first time on Monday morning and told he was on trial. By Friday, a runaway jury had hit his client with a million dollar verdict -- but it supposedly made his reputation: Insurance companies figured he must have been a really hotshot trial lawyer because he was entrusted with such a “big case” so early in his career. They started sending him files directly, allowing him to set up his own firm.

Readers with agricultural backgrounds may have heard analogous tales of farmers falling into pig slop who got up smelling of roses. Who knows? Maybe those stories are true, too.

One thing you should notice when you peruse the archives here is that, many times, the persons winning election were not making their first race. Sometimes their bids were in consecutive election cycles; sometimes several years passed between their races. Sometimes people who lost a number of election bids reached the bench through the associate judge process. There’s no one formula; if there was, I’d have used it.

The biggest single mistake I made was in not conditioning those closest to me, my family, my friends, my business associates, to the idea that getting on the bench is, for the unconnected at least, a long-term process. I used up Lake Mead-sized reservoirs of good will and commitment on my maiden voyage in 1994 when I should have prepared all around me for the idea that my ignominious and, in hindsight, inevitable defeat was in fact a victory: Though I was a nobody that nobody had sent, I qualified for the ballot (despite all the obstacles that exist to prevent that), got decent bar ratings, and thereafter got all the way to the finish line without embarrassing myself or those I hold dear.

But in 1994, not knowing any better, I remember how embarrassed I felt, how devastated and embarrassed, when a friend called with results from the 47th Ward (on the opposite end of the 10th Subcircuit from where I live). In some precincts I had one vote, or two. In many, I had none at all. Shattering as this was for me, it was so much harder on my friends and especially on my wife, all of whom had worked so hard. I did not understand, then, what we’d accomplished together, and I could not find words of comfort or cheer.

In 1996, as you saw yesterday, I ran on personal momentum and desperation. I did not ‘build’ in any sense on what we’d done together in 1994. And I ran alone.

So, take heed wannabe judges: Run in 2022, but with 2024... or 2026... or 2028 in mind. Tell those around you that you are learning, together, how to run in 2022. In 2024, you’ll build on the experience you gain this cycle -- and, if lightning does strike this time, and you win, your loved ones will forgive you for being a poor prophet. But it does not necessarily work the other way around.

Having decided to run, and having accepted the reality that it may be a long haul, what should you do next?

If you’ve visited this site at all, you presumably know that you need to find, and lock up, the services of a qualified elections attorney at the earliest possible date. I don’t care if you think you’re the best lawyer since Darrow -- I don’t care if you are the best lawyer since Darrow -- you need an election law specialist to advise you. The Illinois Election Code is chock full of traps for the unwary and unspecialized. I am not an election lawyer. But find one. Soon. Even if you spend money on nothing else, incur this one expense.

You should also review, and purge, your social media sites.

I do not mean shut them down. If such a drastic step is really warranted, perhaps you should reconsider your interest in, and fitness for, judicial service.

I always tell people that you should put nothing on the Internet that would give you pause if it were read back from the pulpit by your pastor. Hopefully, you have engaged with the Internet on similar terms already. But... just possibly... on one or two occasions... perhaps... you got into flame wars with people you didn’t like in high school and really don’t like now. Not that your pastor would object to your opinions -- let us stipulate that all your opinions are sound -- but consider whether the language you used was ‘judicial.’ If not, purge those posts now, before announcing your ambitions, lest someone doing ‘research’ on you find and preserve them first.

Consider also whether you might scrub some of your opinions from your sites. No matter what opinions you hold, however mainstream, there may be someone who disagrees. You may be thrilled, as I am, by the revival of space exploration. I could watch videos of SpaceX landing its first stage boosters all day long. I’m following the Perseverance Rover Twitter account. But some bar evaluator may strongly believe that we should stay out of space until all our problems here on Earth are solved. I realize that none of this will come up in Traffic Court. But will the evaluator find fault with your enthusiasm and doom your rating with that group accordingly? Better to be bland. Remember, you are striving to become a professional neutral.

Pictures of your pets are probably fine. Pictures of your adorable children, too. The occasional sunset. But, will those pictures of you and your buds bending your elbows in a tavern, or smoking cigars at a tailgate party, be subject to misinterpretation?

I am a very mediocre photographer. But, for posts here I have, from time to time, pulled out my camera phone to take a picture or two of some of the attendees at an event. You should see how quickly people ditch their refreshments! They are not being prudes; they are merely being prudent. Profit by their example.

Use your social media to boost your campaign – even before anyone knows you’re running. When you attend an event, pose for pictures with any prominent person who will hold still long enough. Pose with the sponsor. Pose with someone (no selfies). Post these pictures. Name the people in your pictures; they may “like” your posts and may “share” or “retweet” or whatever. There may be quite a few votes and maybe even campaign donors lurking among your Facebook “friends” and LinkedIn contacts. Control your own image and start building your brand.

There’s more to talk about, but we’ll take that up in a future post. Meanwhile... start browsing... and purging.

Monday, March 01, 2021

Or you could just run? Some suggestions if you're thinking about it -- part 1

In my last post I teased a darkly humorous postscript to my judicial campaign adventures. I redeem that promise herewith:

This is a funnier story when I suggest or infer that I somehow possess a Kiss of Death or Cloud of Doom or otherwise cursed the victors. But I do not actually dabble in the Dark Arts. It is simply a matter of historical fact that the persons who won the races that I entered in 1994 and 1996 ultimately lost... big time.

The winner of my 1996 primary race never even made it to the November ballot. Appointed by the Supreme Court, slated by the Democratic Party, and endorsed by the Chicago Tribune, the successful primary candidate went on a post-primary vacation to Belize... where he was busted by local authorities for having marijuana in his fanny pack. When word got out about his guilty plea, the judge in question (who had been assigned, naturally, to Narcotics Court) withdrew from the ballot...

... Leaving the field clear for a Republican, of all things, to win the race, unopposed. (There were actually three countywide Republican candidates contesting the 13 vacancies in 1996, which tells you how long ago this was.) I belive this candidate holds the distinction of being the last Republican Cook County judicial candidate elected countywide.

As a Republican, this judge was never my opponent, so even if you care to ascribe to me some Dark Powers, despite my careful denial above, the effect of my 'curse' on him should have been more or less tangential, not direct. And, indeed, this person even got retained once, in 2002, although he was already facing charges brought by the Judicial Inquiry Board. In 2003, this judge got a 30-day suspension from the Illinois Courts Commission. By the time the 2006 election rolled around, he was gone.

The candidate who won my 1994 race was first appointed to the bench in 1991. After his initial appointment expired in 1992, he stayed in office pursuant to three recall orders before handily winning the first primary election in which I 'just ran'.

The problem was that this judge was not actually living in the 10th Subcircuit when he ran for office; he falsely claied his parents' address as his own. The Judicial Inquiry Board ultimately lodged a complaint against him, in 2002, raising this charge (and others) and the Illinois Courts Commission removed him from office in 2004.

There are any number of lessons you could draw from these examples. Never wear a fanny pack, for one. And the others?

I hope you don't need me to point out that politics in this county isn't always played according to Hoyle. Just last week, WGN-TV carried news of a new report from the University of Illinois at Chicago that names Chicago as the most corrupt city in the nation. Again. You may blush and stammer about it, but a good many of your friends and neighbors take a sort of perverse pride in this dubious civic achievement: We're Number One!

The corrosive effect of this systemic corruption can not be understated.

But let’s be clear: The problem is not that everyone is hinky and nothing is on the level. Most people -- the vast majority of people -- are honest, and at least as trustworthy as their interests allow, and even those who are inclined to bend, or ignore, the rules don’t always do so. As is true of every walk of life, there are crooks and thieves in politics. There are others who are in it solely for their own selfish purposes. But there are also many truly dedicated public servants. The problem is figuring out who is who.

In our local culture, where corruption is tolerated, even sort of celebrated, one can never truly be certain that anything is truly on the up-and-up. That's the corrosive effect of long-term corruption. Doubts grow about people, about institutions, about everything. If something happened once, and was exposed, how many times has it happened without detection?

Take the case of George J.W. Smith. Appointed to an 11th Subcircuit vacancy in 1995 by the Supreme Court on the recommendation of the late Justice Charles Freeman, he lost his 1996 primary race –- but was returned to the bench via another appointment, this one from the late Justice Mary Ann McMorrow. In the 1998 primary, in a crowded field, Smith squeaked through, ultimately winning election to a different 11th Subcircuit vacancy.

There might have been a happy ending to this tale but for the fact that Judge Smith decided to divorce his wife. If we were to do a post on what not to do if one successfully reaches the bench, this would be high on the list -- especially where, as in the case of Judge Smith, he allegedly asked his wife to contribute $10,000 of what supposedly amounted to a $30,000 bribe to secure the initial 1995 appointment.

But... a bribe to who?

At the time, suspicion centered on former Ald. Edward Vrdolyak. It was well-known, and even well-documented, that Justice Freeman was inclined to accept Vrdolyak’s recommendations when judicial vacancies needed to be filled.

“If you want to be a Cook County judge, see Edward Vrdolyak. That’s the advice Supreme Court Justice Charles Freeman has given more than one judicial hopeful.” That’s how Abdon Pallasch and Chuck Neubauer began an article in the October 24, 2000 Chicago Sun-Times. In that same article, Pallasch and Neubauer quote Freeman’s lavish praise of Vrdolyak:

“He has the ability to reach out to the Democratic Party, to some of the committeemen who I’ve never had a rapport with -- he likes to be a player,” Freeman said. “Have I talked with him about doing that kind of thing for other candidates? Yes I have.

“He’s had value to me, to people that I’ve wanted to prepare. He would bring together black committeemen to support candidates -- get ‘em in a room and have a breakfast. Who can do that? I would love to see (Cook County Board President John) Stroger do that. But that’s not what John Stroger would do.”

Smith ultimately pled guilty to federal ‘currency violations’ – withdrawing his $20,000 share of the alleged bribe from his county pension in three increments of less than $10,000 each, that being the “threshold that would have required the bank to notify federal authorities,” according to a March 6, 2002 Tribune article by Matt O’Connor.

That same article reported that Smith admitted filing a false tax return for 1995 (not reporting the $20,000 withdrawal). He also admitted other wrongdoing relating to the handling of his late brother’s estate, but he apparently never identified the person who got the money to allegedly secure the judicial appointment. O’Connor’s article concluded:

Authorities hinted that a broader investigation into the buying of Circuit Court judgeships continues.

“There are other allegations that remain under investigation,” said Blake Hamilton, the FBI’s assistant special agent in charge in Chicago. “And we will continue to pursue all aspects of those allegations to their logical conclusion.”

Justice Freeman was never accused of any wrongdoing in connection with Smith’s appointment. According to Abdon M. Pallasch’s May 27, 2002 Sun-Times article, “the realization that she had [reappointed] Smith based on referrals and not knowing enough about his background prompted” Justice McMorrow to name a committee to assist her in vetting potential judicial appointments.

Every Illinois Supreme Court justice has such a committee these days.

But the poison continues to circulate in the system. There are whispers about how this judge, or that one, first got to the bench. There are whispers about who paid what to who, although, of course, never for the record. And before anyone gets any ideas, these sorts of rumors won’t appear in the comments here either. If someone chooses to publish a tell-all memoir, however, I’ll be happy to review it. I won’t hold my breath waiting.

The point is that, in seeking to join the Cook County judiciary, though you are personally purer than Caesar’s wife (as the old expression has it), you may be potentially tainted by your association with Cook County politics. If you are successful, whether by appointment, or election, or through the associate judge process, there may be rumors about you.

Ordinarily, of course, it is not considered a good thing to be friendless and alone. But, when it comes to Cook County politics, being friendless and alone pretty much guarantees that you will never be hauled before a grand jury investigating political corruption.

Contrary to some of the comments to Friday’s post, I am not saying don’t run for judge.... If you’re reading this far, you probably have run, or are thinking about it, or know someone who is. I’m not trying to dissuade you, and I wouldn't succeed if I tried. But I have been closely observing the process for over a decade now and, while I can’t offer any magic formulas for success, I have seen some patterns and practices that you may find helpful as you pursue a career change, and I will start talking about that in my next post on this subject.

Friday, February 26, 2021

Or you could just run? That is terrible advice....

Regular visitors to this site have seen that an anonymous person keeps leaving comments here, urging people with judicial ambitions to simply run for election, bypassing the associate judge process, and possible slating, and bar association screening.

Maybe it's more than one person; there have been so many of these comments. And, for every one you've seen, I've flushed at least another. They are redundant, repetitive, and, in my view, aggravating.

First and foremost, I think "just run" is terrible, horrible advice.

I can't believe it is offered sincerely. I hypothesized, in this post, that the person offering this terrible advice must be trying to create a need for his or her services as a campaign consultant, and I further suggested that, instead of playing this game, he or she just buy an ad.

No one's buying an ad, but the comments continue, now with a petulant tone. For example:

  • Or you can just run. Before you delete this comment, Jack, know that you misconstrued it. I am not [peddling] services or goods. Frankly there are no goods or services that can help most candidates. This game, and make no mistake about it being a game, is nonsense. Voters have no idea who any of us are. Politicians don't have the heft or desire to “push” us and use us as ATM machines. Our best chance is to simply run; the more the better. Bar association ratings are rigged, as is Tim Evans’ short list. So save your money, give nothing to consultants or politicians and just RUN!
  • Skip the bar associations. Skip the advisors. Skip the hawked goods and/or services. Skip the committee creatures. Madigan is done. Burke is done. Grow some spines and do your thing.
  • Or you could just grow some spine and run — paying nobody for a good or service.

The reason I think this is dumb, horrible advice is because I've tried 'just running.' Twice, in fact.

The first time I ran, in the 10th Subcircuit, in 1994, I didn't even know I was 'just running.' I knew about slating, of course, but Richard J. Daley had gone to his eternal reward at the end of 1976. Jane Byrne's election, or surely Harold Washington's two wins, signaled that the Machine was dead and gone, right? I could not have picked my committeeman (at the time, State Rep. Ralph Capparelli) out of a lineup; I hadn't the first clue how subcircuit slating was handled.

And I'd never even heard of campaign advisors in judicial races. Consultants. Pollsters! Such persons esisted only in far higher profile races, right? (In fairness to me, I don't believe there were nearly as many persons dabbling in judicial races in the early 1990s as exist now.)

I ran the classic kitchen table campaign -- as in Mickey Rooney and Judy Garland and "c'mon kids, let's put on a campaign!" (Not even all the Baby Boomers will catch that reference. But it captures our naivete and boundless, though baseless, optimism.) My then-partners wrote checks and held a couple of fundraisers, my wife chased down parents on the parish school playground for petition signatures, I had friends and family leave doorknob hangers with flyers and refrigerator magnets (never in the mailbox -- it wouldn't do for a judicial candidate to violate postal regulations, would it?), and I went house to house, and stood at bus stops and Blue Line stations, and went anywhere were I could get in the door. I got lots of folks to send out friend-to-friend postcards. I had snazzy campaign buttons.

Not many people wore the buttons. Or paid attention to the postcards. And I didn't get into nearly enough places. I obviously didn't knock on nearly enough doors. I finished dead last. (I wrote more about my 1994 run in this 2017 Page Two post.)

What did 'just running' get me in 1994? On the plus side, I lost 15 lbs. campaigning.

On the negative side? Well, let's tally it up, shall we?:

  • I drained the family savings accounts, buying campaign tchotchkes and billboard spaces and newspaper ads, loaning the campaign money I would never get back;
  • I burnt out my wife;
  • I burnt out my family;
  • I burnt out my friends and neighbors; and
  • I burnt out my partners.

But I still had the bug real bad. As 1996 approached, as Adlai Stevenson III once said, I felt the sap rising.

The thing I thought I'd learned in the course of my 1994 run is that a subcircuit, though only 1/15th of Cook County, is a really big place. I didn't have enough friends and relations to make a sufficient dent. Besides, no one I knew -- except me -- was particularly interested in me running again. So, in a Wile E. Coyote genius move, I decided to bypass the two 10th Subcircuit races in 1996 and throw my name in countywide. I really, truly, "just ran." I was simply hoping for lightning to strike. Just as Anonymous now advises.

I had my pride, I thought. I took pains to dot all the i's and cross all the t's necessary to get on the ballot. My petitions were not challenged in 1994 or 1996. I appeared before the county slating committee, too. It was a Hooda Flock moment.

You know... as in the committeemen muttering hooda flock is that guy? But I kept blundering on -- just running -- just as Anon is urging my readers to do now -- going nowhere, but going there every night. I wasn't raising money, but I was still spending some... and I still had those snazzy buttons, didn't I? Not that anyone wanted them....

Meanwhile, my wife was house hunting. Our fifth child learned to walk during the 1994 primary season and our starter home was, in my wife's opinion, finished. We needed more space.

One night I came home and my wife told me she'd found our new home. I didn't want to move. I wanted to get elected judge. That was the priority. That was the quest.

"Look at it this way," my wife told me, finally, "now you will have two houses where you can put your lawn signs."

The sad, inescapable truth is that there weren't too many other lawns where I could put my signs. We bought the house. We live there still. And I finished last again in 1996.

There's a darkly humorous denouement to these campaign misadventures, one that bitter, cynical observers of Cook County politics can surely appreciate. I'll share that in my next post on this subject, coming soon.

Friday, February 19, 2021

Alliance also looking for comments on Associate Judge hopefuls

As you know by now, there are 246 lawyers actively seeking to be named as Cook County associate judges.

The names of each hopeful were included in this post. The Chief Judge has asked members of the public to provide written comment about any of these candidates. (And we covered this in the comments to the last post, but let me reiterate: Anonymous comments here are not an acceptable substitute.)

After that post appeared, Joyce Williams, the Administrator for the Alliance of Bar Associations for Judicial Screening, contacted FWIW to advise that the Alliance would also welcome comments from the public about associate judge candidates.

Ms. Williams does not need any defamatory voice mails with clumsily disguised voices. But persons having relevant information about associate judge candidates can write to the Alliance, c/o Ms. Joyce Williams, Illinois State Bar Association, 20 South Clark Street - Suite 900, Chicago, IL 60603-1802. Perhaps those planning to send a letter to Judge Evans could send a copy to the Alliance as well.

And before someone offers a snarky comment about associate judge hopefuls now getting their moms to write two letters, let me tell you: There are attorneys out there who scan the list of hopefuls and, without being asked, send very nice letters about one or more individuals. I actually found out about one such letter during an interview with the Circuit Court Nominating Committee. As you can see, it didn't put me over the top.... but I was deeply touched and profoundly grateful that someone made that effort on my behalf.

Letters sent to the Alliance will be forwarded to the investigators conducting evaluations of associate judge candidates.

Wednesday, February 17, 2021

246 apply for associate judge

The list I saw last week was pretty accurate -- I'm told on good authority that the list was circulating among a number of judges -- but it contained 245 names.

The actual number of applicants is, however, 246. The complete list of names follows at the end of this post.

Let's get the commercial out of the way immediately: Persons with relevant information regarding any associate judge candidate are invited to communicate by letter to the Circuit Court of Cook County Nominating Committee, c/o Chief Judge Timothy C. Evans, 50 West Washington Street, Room 2600, Richard J. Daley Center, Chicago, Illinois 60602.

FWIW readers will recognize the names of several recent primary candidates on this list, including all four of the candidates slated by the Democratic Party, including two appointed judges, who did not win their 2020 primary races.

There are, by my unofficial count, 18 present or former appointed judges seeking associate judge vacancies, including the two referred to in the paragraph above. The one presently serving Circuit Court judge is Cara Lefevour Smith. Among the 17 former judges seeking to return to the bench as associates is Jackie Marie Portman-Brown, who was defeated for retention this past November. Also, by my unofficial count, 12 of the 15 finalists from the 2019 associate judge selection process are included in this group.

Herewith, the complete list of applicants:

  1. AAKRE, Amrith Kaur
  2. ADAMS, David Charles
  3. AHMAD, Maryam
  4. AHUJA, Loveleen K.
  5. ALLEN, Charles Daniel
  6. ALLEN, Shay Tyrone
  7. AMBROSE, Garvin Gauss
  8. ANTOLEC, Sonia A.
  9. ARNOLD, Kina Nicole
  10. AUGUSTUS, Maria
  11. BADILLO, David
  12. BAE, Jennifer Eun
  13. BARRIDO, Jerome Celis
  14. BAUMANN, Deidre
  15. BHANDARI, Aileen
  16. BHAVE, Sunil Shashikant
  17. BISCEGLIA, Joell Claire
  18. BLANCHARD, Patrick Malone
  19. BLINICK, Robert Kendall
  20. BRACEY, Charles Scotto
  21. BRASSIL, John Hugh
  22. BROOKS, Lloyd James
  23. CALLAHAN, Jennifer Patricia
  24. CARROLL, John P.
  25. CASEY, Carol Anne
  26. CAZARES, Jorge V.
  27. CENAR, Richard George
  28. CHICO, Joseph
  29. CLEWIS, Scott Richard
  30. CLOSE, Deirdre
  31. COHEN, Christopher Bittel
  32. COLEMAN-ROMEO, Arlene Yvette
  33. CONDON, Jr., Thomas J.
  34. CONWAY, John Joseph
  35. CONWAY, Marcia O’Brien
  36. COOPER, Christopher Chriss
  37. CORBIN, Torrie Luciana
  38. COSGROVE, Audrey Victoria
  39. CYRUS, Rocell, Jennal
  40. DADAY, Stephen Gerard
  41. DANAHER, Richard G.
  42. DAUPHIN, Yolaine Marie
  43. DAWKINS, Barbara Lynette
  44. deCASTRO, Pablo F.
  45. DELACRUZ, Aracelli Reyes
  46. DEMATTEO, Gabriel Joseph
  47. DEMITRO, Steve
  48. DERICO, JR., James Thomas
  49. DESAI, Debjani Dasgupta
  50. DIFRANCO, Frank Rocco
  51. DOLAN, Alice Elizabeth
  52. DOSS, Rivanda
  53. DRAKE, Gwendolyn Elizabeth
  54. DUFFY, Cristin McDonald
  55. DUNLAP, Charnell Denise
  56. DUNNEBACK, James Francis
  57. DWYER, III, Patrick Edward
  58. DYER, Deidre Myra
  59. EBERSOLE, Sabra Lynne
  60. ELRABADI, Naderh Hana
  61. ERICKSON, Jon Forrest
  62. EVANS, Jr., Carl Lauras
  63. FAHY, William Nicholas
  64. FALEY, Michael Joseph
  65. FARMAKIS, Athena Aphrodite
  66. FEARON, John Robert
  67. FIAONI, Karla Marie
  68. FLORES, Barbara Nubia
  69. FORD, Ann Kettelson
  70. FORESTER, Laura Ellen
  71. FOTOPOULOS, John Spyros
  72. FOUKAS, Anastasios Thomas
  73. FRANSENE, Sarah Lynne
  74. FRENTZAS-BUBARIS, Athena
  75. FRITCHEY, John Alden
  76. GALHOTRA, Kulmeet Singh
  77. GEORGE STEWART, Ava Monique
  78. GERBER, Michael Perry
  79. GLAUB, Tien Hanh
  80. GLENNON, Caroline Gale
  81. GOLDBERG, Mitchell Benjamin
  82. GONZALEZ, Dawn Marie
  83. GORDAN, Elias Martin
  84. GORMAN, Colleen Candace
  85. GRIFFIN, Jacqueline Marie
  86. GUDINO, Ruth Isabel
  87. GUMP, Joseph Michael
  88. HARTIGAN, Russell William
  89. HENRY, Jeffrey Thomas
  90. HERNANDEZ, Jasmine Villaflor
  91. HERZBERG, Steven
  92. HOLLEB HOTALING, Keri Leilani
  93. HOURIHANE, John Nahum
  94. HOWSE, Natalie Lynn
  95. HUDSON, Brandon
  96. JANNUSCH, Matthew William
  97. JAWGIEL, Michael Bryan
  98. JEFFERSON, Sharon
  99. JHA, Lakshmi Elkhanialy
  100. JIMENEZ, Martha-Victoria
  101. JOHN, Patrick Dankwa
  102. JONES, Celeste Kathleen
  103. KANTAS, Nicholas Alexander
  104. KARKULA, Elizabeth Anne
  105. KATUBIG, Belle Lourdes
  106. KAWITT, Alan
  107. KELECIUS, Linas Jones
  108. KELLY, David Lewis
  109. KENT, Heather
  110. KNIBBS, James John
  111. KOUGIAS, Thomas Peter
  112. KOZICKI, Scott Michael
  113. KUMMER, Scott William
  114. KURTZ Michael O’Malley
  115. LAMANTIA, John Sam
  116. LARSON, James Andrew
  117. LATZ, Michael Paul
  118. LEAHY, Laura Marie
  119. LEVIN, Ellis Bernard
  120. LEVIN, Lawrence Wolf
  121. LILLY, Lisa M.
  122. LINDSAY, Camile Jessica
  123. LOFTUS, Thomas Jerome
  124. LOPEZ, Diana Elena
  125. LUCAFO, Anthony Dominick
  126. LYNCH, Stacey Elizabeth
  127. LYONS, Kristin Marie
  128. MAHER, John G.
  129. MALLOY, Catherine M.
  130. MALONEY, Edward James
  131. MALONEY LAYTIN, Kerrie Elizabeth
  132. MANGUM, Jameika Williams
  133. MARCIN, Mary B.
  134. MARKS, Alexander David
  135. MARSHALL, Jenetia Marshall
  136. MARTIN, Timothy Alan
  137. McGRORY, Michael Sweeney
  138. McLAUGHLIN, Ellen Wight
  139. McLAUGHLIN, William John
  140. McMAHON, William John
  141. MECZYK, Ralph Eugene
  142. MELCHOR, Mary Alice
  143. MILAN, Robert Joseph
  144. MOLTZ, Ira Alexander
  145. MORRIS, Tisa Lynne
  146. MORRISSEY, Thomas A.
  147. MOULTON, Daniel Martin
  148. MOWATT, Raoul Vertick
  149. MURPHY, III., James V.
  150. NEELY, Melanie Patrick
  151. NIKOLIC, Jr., Daniel Peter
  152. NORRIS, Scott
  153. NOVY, James Bryan
  154. NOWINSKI, Thomas Edwad
  155. O’BRIEN, Kimberly Atz
  156. OCHALLA, Kevin John
  157. O’DELL, Katherine Angela
  158. ODOM, Ginger Leigh
  159. OLSHANSKY, David Scott
  160. O’MALLEY, Michael I.
  161. O’MEARA, John Andrew
  162. OSTOJIC, Radusa
  163. OTIS, Donna Lynn
  164. PAPPAS, Nickolas George
  165. PARENTE, Christopher Vincent
  166. PATEL, Shilpa C.
  167. PATTERSON, Monique Lenee
  168. PAYNE, Litricia Pauline
  169. PIEMONTE, Gina Angela
  170. PILLSBURY, Amanda Moira
  171. PITTS, Dartesia Ayanna
  172. PLANEY, Mary Anna
  173. PLOTNICK, Paul William
  174. PORTER, Arlette G.
  175. PORTER, Brian Randall
  176. PORTER, Tracie Reneé
  177. PORTMAN-BROWN, Jackie Marie
  178. QUINONES, Carmen Migdalia
  179. RAINES-WELCH, ShawnTe Miaundra
  180. RAKOWSKI, Leo Steven
  181. RICE, Ashonta Cherron
  182. RICHARDS, David John
  183. RICHARDS, Joseph Samuel Milder
  184. RICHARDSON, Barbara Elaine
  185. RICHARDSON, Travis
  186. RIEBMAN, Elliott Michael
  187. RILEY, Shellé Eileen
  188. RIVERA, Antara Nath
  189. ROACH, Steven Robert
  190. ROBINSON, Chelsey Renece
  191. RODGERS, Anne McCord
  192. ROE-TAYLOR, Parle M.
  193. ROLECK, David Michael
  194. ROPER, Lori Ann
  195. ROSS, Curtis Bennett
  196. RUFFIN, Anthony
  197. RUSCH, Michael Paul
  198. RYAN, Elizbeth Condron
  199. RYAN, Richard Joseph
  200. SAINDON, Pamela
  201. SAMPEN, Don R.
  202. SANTANA, Jaime Rafael
  203. SAUCEDA, Eric Michael
  204. SCANLON, Brian Patrick
  205. SCHNEIDER, Margaret Elizabeth
  206. SHELBY, Owens Joseph
  207. SIMMONS-FORD, Jade Ginese
  208. SIMMONS-STOVALL, Felicia H.
  209. SMITH, Cara LeFevour
  210. SMITH, Judie Lyn
  211. SMITH, Trina
  212. SMITH CONYERS, Theresa Marie
  213. SMUDA, Joan Ellen
  214. SOLOMON, Donald Scott
  215. SOMERVILLE, Monica Gail
  216. SPENCE, Keith Lenell
  217. SRIVASTAVA, Ankur
  218. STEIN, Alon
  219. STEWART, Rodney Walter
  220. STRATIGAKIS, Pamela J.
  221. STROM, Michael Alan
  222. STROMSTA, Jon Karl
  223. SUMNER, Nyshana Kali
  224. SUTTON, Arthur D.
  225. SWANAGAN, Anthony Charles
  226. SWEDLOW, Stephen Andrew
  227. TAYLOR, Lisa M.
  228. TOFT, Rachael Nicole
  229. TOUSSAINT, Marie Lynn
  230. TRAVERS, Timothy Kevin
  231. TROWBRIDGE, Bradley R.
  232. TURANO, Andreana Ann
  233. TYNER, Randall Louis
  234. TZINBERG, Scott William
  235. UNDERHILL, Edward Joseph
  236. WALKER, Gregory Eric
  237. WALSH, Diane N.
  238. WEAVER, Michael Wesley
  239. WESTON, Antoinette Denise
  240. WHITING, Oran Fresno
  241. WILLIS, Julie Elizabeth
  242. WILSON, John Wellington
  243. WOLF, Steven Carl
  244. WOLFMAN, Amanda Marie Hinkley
  245. WRIGHT, III., Timothy W.
  246. ZAYYAD, Naheda

Part 4: Similarities and differences between a DIY project and the interpretation of an insurance policy

Concluding today, for what it's worth, a reflection on constructing a cabinet and how courts should engage in the proper construction of an insurance policy. For Part 1 of this series, click here. For Part 2, click here.

I won some of the coverage cases I brought for that client I introduced in Part 3 of this series. If I had the heart (or stomach lining) to go back and look, I’m sure I would find that I won more than I lost.

But---and I think this is true of most lawyers, and certainly true of most lawyers that I have known personally---it is the losses that we remember most vividly. Even when we try to forget.

The case that I believe finally cost me this coverage client involved two judges. Both of whom were very good judges. Judges that I liked and respected. Still do, actually.

I laid out a very careful case, in a cross motion for summary judgment, as to why my carrier had no duty to defend a particular suit. There were other paths to the same conclusion, but this one, I thought, was the strongest: There could be no duty to defend because the claim for which a defense was sought was not presented during the term of the claims-made policy. With a 15 page limit and a convoluted cast of characters I had to make some difficult editorial choices.

The first learned judge did not agree with my argument. In denying my motion, the judge found that a lawyer’s letter, written to the insured during the policy term, constituted notice of the claim to the insured. The problem with that approach, which the court did not consider, was that the policy also required that, if an insured received notice of a claim during the policy term, it had to promptly notify the carrier. This it did not do. (It did give notice of this letter to the carrier because the insured didn’t think that the letter really constituted notice of a claim either; this was a quality the letter did not acquire until it was examined under the distorting glare of hindsight.)

Anyway, head bloodied but unbowed, I filed a new motion, carefully delineating how the court’s objections to my initial argument necessitated a favorable ruling on this alternate argument. I don’t think I could have lost that motion if the first judge had continued with my case.

Unfortunately for me, soon after I filed the second motion, because of a change in Chancery Division procedures, my coverage case was removed from this first judge’s calendar.

The second judge was reluctant, for one thing, to interfere in his predecessor’s decision. That is, generally, a good thing. But he was obligated to take up my motion.

When the motion was argued, my opponent—also a good person and a good lawyer—complained bitterly about my position that the policy showed two paths to a favorable disposition: “Counsel is really saying here that, heads, he wins and, tails, I lose.”

Of course I wanted to shout, “Bingo! That’s it exactly!” I am pretty sure that I was slightly more moderate in my actual response.

But the truth is, insurance policies are written in belt-and-suspenders language by persons who are trying to leave nothing to chance. So there may be far more than two routes to a given result, depending on how well the underwriters have anticipated a particular problem. That’s not a defect in coverage.

But the second judge found that there could or might be questions of fact about whether the failure to give notice was reasonable -- at least in part because the insured would not have seen the letter in question as constituting notice of a potential claim -- leaving my insurer stuck defending an underlying case, at great expense, most of which was admittedly not covered (but, you know, if one count is covered there is a duty to defend all) and thoroughly dissatisfied with my ability to predict results.

And the punchline? Or the punch-in-the-gut-line in this case: There was no way in Hell to recover damages for the one event which might, arguably, possibly, maybe have taken place during the policy term. At most, if they succeeded in their claims, the plaintiffs would have wound up relieved of an obligation to pay for something that they were supposed to have paid for, but in fact did not. Something that actually enhanced their property values, albeit against their wishes. And, like any normal liability policy, the policy only required the insurer to pay, ultimately, for damages caused by a covered event.

And the second judge was careful to make the disposition not final, so we couldn’t take the decisions up on appeal even if the carrier was willing to take that route.

I believe in my heart of hearts that both of these judges bent over backwards to be as “fair” as possible to all concerned even though the law and the policies commanded a different result. They both recognized that the warring parties in this case were two groups of neighbors who hated each other; pulling the plug on coverage would, potentially, give advantage to one side over the other... but for the fact that the plaintiffs had no actual damages and really owed the neighbors they were suing a great deal of money. The insurance company’s money, funding the defense, merely provided the fuel to keep the flames of the dispute going. And I’m quite sure the judges in question never intended me any harm. If they thought of my position at all they figured I was getting paid and therefore benefitting from the suit’s continuation. But it cost me the client.

Well, boo hoo, you say: Next time, find more understanding clients. The lesson you may think that can be drawn from these anecdotes is that the Circuit Court of Cook County finds ways to give insureds a break. The big, bad insurance companies can surely afford it.

Unfortunately, when they strive for ‘fairness’ instead of going where the law and policy language requires, our courts wind up being consistently inconsistent. And that may redound as much to the detriment of insureds as insurers.

Fast forward several years. I was representing an insured in a coverage case. From a distance I can see where our position might be viewed as quixotic.

Suffice to say that my client ran a gymnasium and he and a group of instructors in his employ gave lessons to kids. One of the insured’s instructors allegedly had inappropriate contact with one of those kids. More than one. And right out in the open, at the gymnasium, too. The instructor in question was arrested and the arrest was reported in the local paper.

The insurer wrote my client and announced that, on the basis of this initial news account, before any complaint was filed, it would refuse to defend my client. Never mind that, under Illinois law, “Refusal to defend is unjustifiable unless it is clear from the face of the underlying complaint that the facts alleged do not fall potentially within the policy’s coverage.” RLI Ins. Co. v. Illinois National Ins. Co., 335 Ill.App.3d 633, 644 (2004). The carrier’s potential duty to defend can only be ascertained when an insured is sued and the complaint tendered for a defense. This is well established: “To determine whether the insurer has a duty to defend the insured, the court must look to the allegations in the underlying complaint and compare these allegations to the relevant provisions of the insurance policy,” Outboard Marine Corp. v. Liberty Mut. Ins. Co., 154 Ill.2d 90, 107-08 (1992).

And the consequences of an unjustifiable refusal to defend are quite severe: “Once the insurer breaches its duty to defend... the estoppel doctrine has broad application and operates to bar the insurer from raising policy defenses to coverage, even those defenses that may have been successful had the insurer not breached its duty to defend.” Employers Ins. v. Ehlco Liquidating Trust, 186 Ill.2d 127, 151-152 (1999).

On the other hand, there is language in Ehlco and elsewhere to the effect that there can be no estoppel if there was no duty to defend in the first place.

And here is where the Circuit Court---another judge for whom I have the greatest respect---went astray.

The policy in question had not one, but two exclusions for sexual misconduct. If it was merely a question of the insurer’s intentions, it was obvious that the carrier had no intention of providing coverage in any case alleging abuse or molestation of any kind. And, of course, I just reminded you that insurers, being belt-and-suspenders types, will not hesitate to erect multiple barriers to coverage they do not wish to provide.

But the Devil is in the details -- in the instructions for the cabinet, for example, or the language of the policy. Or, in this case, in the language of the exclusions. The exclusions were not identical. And the differences between them gave rise, at least in my analysis, to an ambiguity that would, of course, have to be construed in favor of my client, the insured. Because, ordinarily, the intentions of the parties to an insurance contract can only be ascertained from the policy language itself.

However, in this case, the trial court could not get past the fact that the insurer did not intend to cover suits that in any way raised an issue of molestation (and, believe me, the underlying plaintiffs strove mightily to plead into coverage or, in this case, around those exclusions). The trial court could not see any ‘fairness’ in giving the insured coverage---potential coverage, really, just a defense against the various suits---when he could have, and should have, seen the exclusions in the policy. That’s the problem with deciding coverage disputes according to one’s own notions of ‘fairness’ and not strictly according to the law and policy language: It is impossible to predict how a court will rule on the law and the policy without knowing, in advance, who the judge will be and what are his or her notions of ‘fairness.’

These decisions have real-world consequences, as in this case for the victims of the instructor’s misconduct who lost all hope of recompense from the insurer because the trial court built the cabinet that the insurer intended and not the unintended jumble that would have resulted if the policy had been construed as written. (In addition, the insured found it necessary to reallocate his limited funds in light of the adverse coverage determination, which is the nicest way I can say that a large portion of my bill went unpaid.)

Now I do not mean to suggest that always applying the law as decided to the policy as written will always result in judicial happiness and satisfaction. But it is the right and, dare I say it, fairest thing to do.

To illustrate, we go back in time a generation or so. There were only two motion judges in the Law Division in those far off days, and a lot of the first party insurance litigation that now is heard in Chancery was decided either in the Law Division proper or by one of the two Extraordinary Remedies judges who heard cases that were also technically filed in the Law Division. The kind of insurance litigation I was doing then was much more basic, as befitted my age and station in life. I filed summary judgment motions or §2-619 motions presenting issues like whether the insured forfeited coverage by failing to show up for an Examination Under Oath, or by failing to file a Sworn Statement in Proof of Loss upon request, or by failing to file suit within the limited time permitted under the policy.

The two Law Motion judges decided most motions as they were presented, often explaining why they were ruling the way they did, complete with case citations, allowing bright and attentive youngsters, like me, to write down a list of useful cases while waiting to step up.

Well, I was young anyway.

On occasion, though, the motion judge would decide that a particular motion was worthy of full briefing and extended argument. The motion would be set for hearing on the afternoon contested motion call.

For a young lawyer, this was pretty nifty -- a chance to enhance one’s legal writing skills and to speak extensively in court. I had many such opportunities before a succession of motion judges but I recall, in particular, the several occasions I appeared before Judge Thomas J. O’Brien.

In those days I always fought for insurance companies, one in particular, in order to make my daily bread. I assume that, while in private practice, Judge O’Brien, like a lot of attorneys, fought with insurance companies to make his. Regardless, it was my clear impression that Judge O’Brien did not like insurance companies.

But, as I recall, Judge O’Brien never let his attitude toward insurance companies affect his decision making. It did, however, sometimes impact his demeanor....

The attorneys would be waiting in the courtroom for the judge to come out for the afternoon contested call. If Judge O’Brien came out relaxed and smiling, I got nervous. If he told me what a fine brief I’d submitted, or what a good argument I’d made, I knew I was doomed: I could start drafting the order denying my motion.

If, on the other hand, the judge came out aggravated, maybe a little red-faced, I dared to hope that he’d not found a way around me and I might prevail.

The point is---and this was certainly my impression at the time---that the court went where the policy and the law and the facts required. And it seems to me that this is really the way to be fairest to all sides.

Now I realize that these comparatively simple contract disputes of happy memory are not entirely comparable to some of the count-the-angels-dancing-on-the-heads-of-pins questions that may arise in other policy interpretation cases. And I also realize that good judges will understandably try and take a ‘big picture’ point of view. I accept as an article of faith that a settlement is almost always preferable to a judgment.

But the judge tasked with deciding a coverage issue may not be able to direct, much less control, a settlement of the underlying case, and his or her good offices may not even be welcomed by all parties thereto. Still, telegraphing the likely direction of the coverage disposition, arrived at by remorselessly following the policy and the law where it leads, even without actually issuing it, might have a far happier impact on the ultimate resolution of a matter than pulling one’s punches on the coverage question in a misguided attempt to be ‘fair’ to all concerned. Or to maintain the status quo.

I say follow the directions and see what results. Even if what results from the process doesn’t look much like the cabinet offered for sale.

And, not that it really matters, but, for what it’s worth, my cabinet came out just fine. All five drawers fit and everything – although my wife says, and I have reluctantly verified, that the middle drawer sticks some. But I think I know how to fix it.

Tuesday, February 16, 2021

Aside to the person who keeps leaving the comment, "Or you could just run"

Nearly everyone who comments on this site, or tries to, is named "Anonymous." But it is possible, sometimes, to discern particular individuals in this sea of anonymity, even if they can not be specifically identified.

One of these is the person who keeps leaving the comment, "Or you could just run." He or she leaves it on every post, no matter the subject matter, and, if I am not quick enough to pass the comment through, he or she will leave it again... and again... and again... on the same post.

I've printed the comment several times now, on several posts. But it's getting old.

I recognize, of course, that your message is not directed to me, but rather to the judicial wannabes who consult this site as part of their exploration of this possible career path. And I guess your point is that running for the office is the best way for a judicial hopeful to control his or her destiny. You may actually believe that the associate judge process, and the scrutiny of the CBA and the baker's dozen bar groups of the Alliance, are merely potholes and roadblocks on the road to a robe.

But I'm guessing that you're really selling something. Presumably your own services as a campaign consultant. Guru. Maven. Whatever.

I'm a little unclear on how you expect those that are persuaded to take the plunge by your simple, but direct, advice to beat a path to your door. Perhaps my little site is just a minor prong in your multi-faceted marketing strategy. I guess I don't care: Just buy an ad.

Persons peddling products and services aimed at judicial candidates have been invited to buy ads on this site since about forever -- check out the blog Sidebar, you'll find the notice -- while I reserve the right to edit or reject ad copy, for a one-time fee per insertion, I'll run your ad, in a distinctive typeface, clearly labeled as an ad, right here, with all the rest of the posts on this site. Available for as long as this site is up and running.

I haven't put a per-insertion price in the Sidebar because I've increased the price from election cycle to election cycle. However, between now and Labor Day, Or-you-could-just-run person, I will charge you -- or anyone else who wants to buy an ad -- $250 per insertion. Email me at jackleyhane@yahoo.com with any questions or to make arrangements to run your ad. Or ads.

Comments will be turned off on advertising posts if for no other reason than to keep your competitors from trying to run you down therein. My mother always said that you don't make your own candle shine brighter by blowing out someone else's. So... competitors of Or-you-could-just-run person, you could buy ads here, too, and make your own pitches.

Granted, $250 is a lot of money. But you're reaching a very specific, select audience here -- as you already know, Or-you-could-just-run person.

And you also know that a well-placed ad can bring dramatic results, a lesson reenforced recently by the case of the 90-year old California man whose two ads in the Wall Street Journal complaining about his Internet service brought personal apologies from the President of AT&T and, more importantly, the long-promised service upgrade.

But those ads cost $10,000. My ads are far less expensive. And do you really need a phone call from the President of AT&T?

Cook County courts closed today for in-person hearings, most scheduled video and teleconference hearings will proceed

Press release issued by the Chief Judge's Office this morning:

To limit the number of people traveling to and from court due to adverse weather conditions for our area, Chief Judge Timothy C. Evans announced that the Circuit Court of Cook County will be open but for videoconference and teleconference proceedings only on Tuesday, February 16. Please do not come to court facilities in person. (Emphasis in original.)

All court proceedings will be conducted by videoconference or teleconference. No in-person hearings will be held, so litigants should not come to court facilities. Traffic court proceedings also will be entirely held by videoconference or teleconference.

Also, with the exception of bond court, the Sixth Municipal District in Markham will hear no criminal proceedings, either in person or by videoconference or teleconference, and hearings will be rescheduled for a future date.

Litigants who cannot attend by teleconference or videoconference, due to any technical limitations, will not suffer any adverse consequences. New dates will be set for those who cannot attend by videoconference or teleconference, and litigants will be notified. Those seeking information about their next court dates can visit the website of the Clerk of the Circuit Court –- www.cookcountyclerkofcourt.org –- for details on how to receive court dates via email and text message, starting Wednesday. Information is also available by calling (312) 603-5030, starting Wednesday.

Monday, February 15, 2021

Part 3: Similarities and differences between a DIY project and the interpretation of an insurance policy

Continuing today, for what it's worth, a reflection on constructing a cabinet and how courts should engage in the proper construction of an insurance policy. For Part 1 of this series, click here. For Part 2, click here.

Even with pre-drilled holes that lined up perfectly, I knew I was going to have a tough time trying to put the cabinet drawers together.

And I did.

First off, how could I hold the two pieces of wood – or wood-like material (after all, this was not a particularly expensive cabinet kit) – at right angles to each other and screw them together? I calculated that I would need at least three hands.

Yet, somehow, after what seemed like a day and a half, but was probably more like an hour and a half, I got the first of the five cabinet drawers finished. Well, all but the drawer guides actually, but the instructions said not to do that until all five drawers were assembled.

The second drawer went faster.

By the time I finished with the third drawer, I had begun to wonder whether there was a Nobel Prize for drawer assembly and, if so, whether I was eligible.

Here, of course, I was irrationally exuberant. But I have experienced at least a little flush of euphoria when an apparent solution to an insurance coverage problem has occurred to me, and I expect that judges who handle such cases have experienced this, too: The organizational plan of a policy of insurance, jumping from coverage part to endorsement and back, and back again somewhere else, is not always obvious. And policy language is often dense and obscure at best, perhaps even prolix---now there’s a word you hardly ever see used except in conjunction with insurance policies---so it is, I hope, understandable that one might feel some sense of accomplishment when the policy starts coming into focus.

But this giddy feeling can lead one astray.

After finishing the drawers, I was supposed to attach the metal drawer guides. I of course referred back to the instructions, trying to figure out which went on which side and how it was to be affixed to the drawer. Even with a magnifying glass, the drawings were no help. So, as Dr. Suess said of the Grinch, I puzzled until my puzzler was sore. Lining up the holes was no help: These lined up in several different ways, even in ways that I could see that would certainly not work.

Eventually, I settled on a configuration that seemed consistent with the directions. I put the guides on one drawer and, thankfully, had the presence of mind to try inserting that drawer into the cabinet first.

It fit.

It rolled in and everything.

But it was obviously wrong.

With this configuration I might get three drawers into the cabinet, but certainly not the five that were supposed to be there. And they’d be spaced like Michael Strahan’s front teeth.

Here was a perfect illustration of how an insurance policy must be construed as a whole in order for the policy construction to be correct: If all a judge looks at is the narrow issue—does the drawer fit?—the problem was solved. Call the next. But, if I had allowed myself to declare victory (and say to heck with the two other drawers), I was 100% certain my decision would be reversed once my wife got home.

If this had been an actual court case, however, instead of a DIY project, you can bet there would be someone advocating in favor of the three-drawer solution. And the judge charged with resolving the matter might be tempted to be “fair.”

I know how wrong this sounds, but at least when it comes to insurance cases, I don’t want judges to be fair---at least if ‘fairness’ involves departing from the path described by the policy, and only by the policy.

I can best explain this with some anecdotes.

Not too many years ago I had the privilege of representing a carrier on coverage matters. Basically, the carrier hired me to give opinions concerning disputes it had with its insureds in specific instances. My role was to figure out how a court should decide the controversy. So when I said ‘pay this claim’ it wasn’t because Jack was feeling generous on Thursday but because I had concluded, after reviewing the policy and the applicable case law, that the Circuit Court of Cook County would most likely order the claim paid. Similarly, if I said ‘let’s fight this one,’ it wasn’t because I was hard up for billing, though I usually was, but because I genuinely believed that the Circuit Court of Cook County, when presented with the policy and the facts of the dispute, would find that it had no choice, under the law, but to agree with my carrier.

While it may be different with enormous exposures in environmental cases, at the level I was operating at---mostly liability and D&O policies for condominium associations---there was no strategic or financial incentive to litigate ‘close’ cases. If I told the carrier a case might go either way, the carrier generally opted to accept coverage. It was cheaper.

The problem with this practice is that one has to be right. All the time. Now this is my blog and you’ll just have to take my word for it that I never once suggested filing a declaratory action where I wasn’t absolutely right on the law. At the very least you have to admit I tried very hard to be right.

For example, where a policy provided the insured with coverage for “negligent” acts, and the underlying complaint expressly charged the insured, in both counts, with conduct that was “intentional, malicious and egregious,” I advised the carrier there was no duty to defend.

Easy-peasy, right? Open and shut?

I lost that case.

The trial judge, apparently trying to be “fair,” noted that the plaintiff could have drafted a sufficient complaint for the same relief without alleging intentional or malicious conduct. Which---by the way---was absolutely true. It was also, in the law, completely and totally irrelevant: “It is the actual complaint, not some hypothetical version, that must be considered” in determining whether an insurer has a duty to defend. Steadfast Insurance Co. v. Caremark Rx, Inc., 359 Ill.App.3d 749, 761 (2005).

In most cases---in nearly all cases, in my experience, except this one---a plaintiff’s attorney will do his or her darndest to craft a pleading that will implicate the defendant’s insurance coverage. Because, if the carrier can be forced to pay for a defense, it may also fund a settlement, or at least contribute to a settlement. This is called pleading into coverage and, if I may so myself, when I have assisted in the representation of plaintiffs who were faced with the problem of problematic coverage on the other side, I have been pretty good at it.

In the case I’m referring to here, however, the plaintiff hated the defendant so much that he did not want the defendant to have coverage. Without giving away too many identifying details, though the underlying suit was one seeking damages (including punitive damages of course), the plaintiff’s real object was not so much money as it was control of certain property. Defendant’s attorney (and I know this because he was also counsel for the insured in my ill-fated declaratory case) begged his opponent to file an amended complaint that would properly trigger coverage. To absolutely no avail.

You can imagine how losing such a case was received by my client. Who expected me to be able to read a policy and the case law and properly advise it on how a court would likely rule when presented with the question. But, you may say, this could be an instance where the judge was simply wrong---judges, like all people, are fallible beings---and the court’s decision in that case was simply erroneous and not an instance of misguided “fairness.”

But I have some additional anecdotes that will, I hope, help to illustrate my point and I will get to these in the next installment.

To be continued Wednesday....

Saturday, February 13, 2021

Part 2: Similarities and differences between a DIY project and the interpretation of an insurance policy

Continuing today, a reflection on constructing a cabinet and how courts should engage in the proper construction of an insurance policy. For Part 1 of this series, click here.

I do not suggest that every judge in every coverage case must spend hours and hours in silent and desperate contemplation of the policy Declarations, as I did with the cabinet instructions, first trying to physically identify Parts A through QQ, then refining the search by category, trying, for instance, to distinguish the four different drawer guide rails from each other, holding each piece in turn and holding a magnifying glass over the drawing of each part, trying to determine the distinguishing characteristics of each.

But I think everyone has heard tell of a DIYer who, heedless of instructions, assembled a seemingly serviceable something from the parts provided, looking just like it was supposed to – and winding up with dozens of unused, unexplained parts. In an insurance coverage case, the failure to take every part into account is a miscarriage of justice.

“A court must construe the policy as a whole and take into account the type of insurance purchased, the nature of the risks involved, and the overall purpose of the contract,” Pekin Insurance Co. v. Wilson, 237 Ill.2d 446, 456 (2010). “It is a fundamental rule of construction that meaning and effect, if possible, be given to every part of the contract so that one provision is not construed to annul another.” Saint Paul Fire & Marine Ins. Co. v. Frankart, 69 Ill.2d 209, 216 (1977). See also, Sheehy v. Sheehy, 299 Ill.App.3d 996, 1000-01 (1998) (“Contract language must not be rejected as meaningless or surplusage; therefore, it is presumed that the terms and provisions of a contract are purposely inserted and that the language was not employed idly”).

I think that judges, particularly experienced judges who handle insurance contract disputes on a regular basis, tend to generalize too much. Like the savvy DIY-er who calls up a YouTube video instead of studying the actual directions for the product under construction, a judge may rely on outside factors---what he did in other cases, for example, involving similar policies.

Granted, insurance policies are fairly standardized these days. Some carriers, like Allstate and State Farm, may use proprietary formats, but a lot of property and casualty carriers simply use forms developed and promulgated by the Insurance Services Office (ISO), often without any modification whatsoever. But... ‘often without’ necessarily means ‘sometimes with’ – and a seemingly innocuous change in an ISO form may, or should, be outcome determinative in a given case.

The other thing that veteran judges sometimes do is make unwarranted assumptions about what the outcome in a case should be based on their understanding of what the policy in question is supposed to provide. The experienced DIYer gets a kit for a storage cabinet and she builds it because she knows how it is supposed to be built. But the proper construction of an insurance policy, unlike a storage cabinet, depends on the meticulous execution of the building instructions. The instructions may be flawed—experienced DIYers will all have tales about how following the instructions too closely would have produced a pile of junk—pre-drilled holes that did not line up with the hardware to be affixed—or vital component pieces that turned out to be improperly sized—but the proper construction of an insurance policy requires following the instructions to the letter, even if it produces an unrecognizable mess instead of a handy storage cabinet.

Although insurance policies are ordinarily construed like any other contract, Central Illinois Light Co. v. Home Insurance Co., 213 Ill.2d 141, 153 (2004), insurance policies are different from other contracts in this important respect: In most contract cases, if a contract provision is deemed ambiguous, parol evidence may be admissible to ascertain the parties’ true intent (Thompson v. Gordon, 247 Ill.2d 428, 441 (2011)); however, in the law of insurance, a policy provision that is determined to be ambiguous will just be strictly construed against the insurer, the drafter of the policy. Pekin Insurance Co. v. Wilson, 237 Ill.2d 446, 456 (2010).

A court has the obligation to ascertain and give effect to the intention of the parties in a contract dispute, whether the contract at issue is for liability insurance or the delivery of widgets. But with insurance policies, a court discharges this “primary function” from the policy language alone. Founders Ins. Co. v. Munoz, 237 Ill.2d 424, 433 (2010).

The thing is, when one enters into a contract for the sale and delivery of widgets, the object and purpose of the contract is abundantly clear, and so are the parties’ intentions: One party expects widgets, the other expects payment. The parties may build some contingencies into their agreement: There may be provisions addressing a sudden decline in widget prices, or if the widget makers should go on strike. There may be penalties for late delivery. But what if widget prices unexpectedly rise? What if a shipping strike prevents timely delivery? While not every possible mishap may have been foreseen by the parties to the widget contract, no one has to guess about the parties’ ultimate intent and purpose.

The parties’ intent is not so clear with insurance contracts. If all goes well with one of these, nothing happens.

In the case of a contract for the sale of widgets, if a dispute develops, the issues are pretty well limited: The widgets weren’t delivered. The widgets were delivered late. The widgets were delivered timely, but were defective. Only some of the widgets were delivered. The buyer failed to pay for the widgets.

There is no real limit to the kinds of disputes that can develop in a dispute over an insurance policy. This is as good a starting point for trying to ascertain where insurance disputes may arise as any: While an event that must happen will not be covered, any event that might happen may be. Mattis v. State Farm Fire and Casualty Co., 118 Ill.App.3d 612, 621-23 (1983). Insurers employ underwriters to anticipate and identify and evaluate possible claims before they occur but, as the old saying goes, “Man plans – and God laughs.”

The insurance contract is not activated unless something unforeseen occurs. One might say that if anything happens, the insured intends that the policy will cover the loss and the insurer intends to evade payment. But that is unfair as well as untrue: Insurers spend a lot of money calculating the odds, and pricing their products accordingly, but insurance companies issue policies with the abundant certitude that some claims will be presented by some policyholders and that these will have to be paid. It is fair, however, to say that, in ascertaining whether any particular loss presented was within the coverage contemplated by the parties at the time of contracting, the analysis must be conducted in full, and perhaps distorting, glare of hindsight.

I think this is the real reason why, in resolving insurance disputes, courts are instructed to look solely to the language of the policy. The policy language pre-dates the loss. Anything that either party does following the loss is posturing. (This does not address those situations where post-loss conduct, by insurer or insured, must be evaluated in light of the terms of the policy – or where the insured arguably causes a loss or otherwise voids coverage by pre-loss conduct – these are subjects for a different day.)

Anyway, after a full day of agonizing over the directions, and following them as best I could, my cabinet began to take shape. Already an improvement over my junior high efforts, the thing in my living room was clearly rectangular in shape, not merely a parallelogram. I even had the rails installed on the walls of the cabinet where the drawers were to be inserted. But I still had to build the drawers. This undertaking was deferred to Day 2.

To be continued....

Friday, February 12, 2021

245 applicants for associate judge?

FWIW has been provided with a list containing 245 names of attorneys allegedly applying for Cook County associate judge vacancies. The deadline for applications for the current class was February 3, so it is unsurprising that a list would have been created by now.

The problem with the list, and the reason I'm slow-walking it at this point, is that the Chief Judge's Office has not released any list. I can not independently verify the list's authenticity.

When an application process closes, the Chief Judge's Office will publish a list of applicants, soliciting public comment. I've asked the Chief Judge's Office to verify the number of applicants on my unofficial list and to advise when the official list will be released. I'm awaiting an answer -- but, with the court holidays today and Monday, it may take awhile.

I am following this story, certainly, and I will provide updates when I can. Meanwhile, I can confirm at least one name that is not on the list -- my own.

Cook County Democratic Party presents "Road to the Robe" seminar on March 15

Yet another reason to beware the Ides of March? The 2022 judicial primary season gets officially underway on March 15, from 1:00 to 5:00 p.m., with this Zoom seminar from the Cook County Democratic Party. I've emailed Jacob Kaplan, the Executive Director of the Cook County Democratic Party, for a list of speakers, and I'll update this post if I get additional information.

Admission is free, but interested persons must register in advance at https://www.cookcountydems.com/robe/.

You may also wish to check out the Party's Circuit Court Committee page -- you know, just to see if you have any acquaintances among them....

One other suggestion: Since this will be a Zoom seminar, it may be best to turn off your cat filter before joining the meeting....

HLAI Judicial Reception set for Thursday, February 25

The reception is set for Thursday, February 25, from 5:30 to 7:30 p.m.

It will be virtual, of course, like all things in this Never Ending Year of Pandemic (now on Bonus Time), but the Hispanic Lawyers Association of Illinois has arranged to use the Remo platform so that attendees can move from "virtual-table to virtual-table to chat and network." (The Diversity Scholarship Foundation used Remo at its 2020 Unity Award Gala, so many potential guests may already have some familiarity with how this works.)

HLAI will present its Distinguished Judicial Service Award to Judge Franklin U. Valderrama of the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Illinois at the reception.

Tickets for the event are $60 apiece for non-HLAI members ($40 for members, $15 for students) and are available on this page of the HLAI website. (Judges will not be charged for attending, but must register in advance at the link in the preceding sentence.)

Sponsorships are available for this event, ranging from a $500 Bronze Sponsorship to a $5,000 Diamond Sponsorship. All sponsorship opportunities and benefits can be reviewed at this page of the HLAI website. Persons having questions about sponsorships may email Janneth Lanini at president@hlai.org. HLAI is also soliciting donations to support the reception; donations may be made by clicking here.