Friday, January 31, 2025
In response to a reader's question: No, the primary is not moving in 2026 -- but filing deadlines will come sooner in 2025
Readers may remember that Illinois has fiddled with the primary dates before. It was moved back to Mel Brooks' birthday (June 28) in 2022 (a Covid consequence). In 2008, the primary was held on February 5. This was done to improve the presidential chances of a certain Illinois senator; a big win in his home state helped Barack Obama on the road to the White House. The early date was retained for 2010, when the primary was held on Groundhog's Day, but the primary was returned to mid-March in 2012.
So it was not out of the question that something had been rammed through Sprinfield in the dead of night. That's when they generally do things there, or at least, that's generally when they do anything they think to be important.
And we just started a new General Assembly this month... meaning there was an opportunity for last-minute shenanigans in the dying moments of the expiring one. Which, no doubt, there were -- but not with the election calendar.
The 2026 primary will be held on the Feast of St. Patrick itself. (Insert your own questions here about how, if the primary is held on March 17, snakes can still get on the ballot.)
However there was some tinkering done with the election calendar in Springfield last year and this does impact Cook County judicial hopefuls.
Pursuant to P.A. 103-0586, which amends, inter alia, Section 7-12(1) of the Election Code, 10 ILCS 5/7-12(1), petition filing will open Monday, October 27, 2005 and close on Monday, November 3. The special judicial filing period (for vacancies occurring in the three weeks prior to November 3) will begin on Monday, November 17 and end on Monday, November 24. And petition circulation, which under Section 7-10 of the Election Code, 10 ILCS 5/7-10, can not begin until August 5, that being the 90th day "preceding the last day provided in Section 7-12 for the filing of such petition."
Basically, the primary election stays put... but the election calendar gets moved up by 28 days.
That means challenges will come sooner, and be resolved sooner, and won't necessarily collide with Christmas, and judicial review of electoral board decisions may actually be concluded before the start of early voting.
FWIW readers will remember the mischief that followed in the last election cycle, when people were already voting, or trying to, and the courts were still grappling with a couple of cases.
Now, none of the dates here should be accepted by you as set in stone -- other than the March 17 primary date. I have counted backwards from that date as the language of the Election Code commands, and have done the best I can, but the dates set out here are unofficial.
As for the statute itself, it did pass in an eyeblink, roughtly 48 hours after a second "amendment" was made to a bill originally purporting to amend the Children and Family Services Act. SB2412 did not become a shell bill until it arrived in the Illinois House. And then it aged in the House for a while, 11 months or so, like stinky cheese. I wrote about the bill at the time of its passage, even noting the potentially beneficial impact of this legislation on our congested election calendar. But, when the reader's inquiry came in, I did not immediately remember the new statute, or the prior article. I apologize for this lapse.
Tuesday, November 26, 2024
A rose by any other name? Name change statute in for some big changes
The bill would significantly alter Article XXI of the Code of Civil Procedure, 735 ILCS 5/21-101 et seq.
As a practical matter, subject to certain statutory exceptions, a person could always seek a name change from our courts. If one keeps the new name long enough (three years, though married women may face additional hurdles), one may even be elected to the Circuit Court bench. (A name change for a judicial candidate, however, as we have seen recently, carries with it no guarantee of judicial retention.)
Courts have typically denied name change petitions if there was a suspicion that the person seeking the name change was doing so to avoid creditors: If the real reason John Smith wants to change his name to Sam Jones is to avoid collection proceedings brought by Messrs. MasterCard and Visa, what Smith is inviting the court to do is to become a co-conspirator in his attempted fraud on his creditors. Courts don't like that. Courts aren't supposed to like that. We don't want our courts to aid and abet fraudsters.
For this reason, Section 21-103 of the Code of Civil Procedure, has provided that notice be made by publication of any proposed name change. There were certain exceptions to the publication provision provided for under the existing law, but Section 15 of HB 5164 would repeal the publication requirement entirely. MasterCard and Visa won't have even the possibility of knowing, now, if John Smith is trying to change his name to avoid paying his bills.
Well, you say, MasterCard and Visa don't need publication. Our biggest banks know more about us generally, and probably about John Smith in particular, than we care to think about. But what about Harry and Harriet Homemaker, senior citizen bungalow owners, who hire Joe Doaks to build a back porch on their home? Joe takes their substantial down payment and disappears, filing to change his name along the way. They, or their lawyer, may not see the publication notice in the Law Bulletin. But at least there would be a chance.
Publication serves a purpose.
Admittedly, in the present age, where print media seems to be dying, a published notice may not be as effective as it once was. If someone has a better alternative, contact your state legislator immediately. But abandoning publication altogether is going to have unintended, and unfortunate, consequences.
The reason HB 5164 proposes to do away with publication is because it will erect still another roadblock (a wall, if you will) against federal enforcement of immigration laws.
This is consistent with the language of new Section 21-103.8. In the current version of HB 5164, this section provides (emphasis supplied):
(a) A petitioner may file a request to have the petitioner's court file impounded by filing a statement, verified under oath as provided under Section 1-109 of this Code, that the person believes that public disclosure would be a hardship and have a negative impact on the person's health or safety to include, but not be limited to, that the person is transgender, an adoptee, a survivor of domestic or intimate partner abuse, a survivor of gender-based violence, a survivor of human trafficking, a refugee, a person who has been granted special immigrant status by the United States Citizenship and Immigration Service, a person who has survived reparative or conversion therapy, or a person who has been granted asylum in this country. The petitioner may attach to the statement any supporting documents including relevant court orders, although self attestation shall suffice as acceptable documentation.The revisions to the statute do retain provisions requiring notice to the local prosecutor and the Illinois State Police (see, Sec. 21-102.5), so that persons charged with crimes, or registered sex offenders, at least those convicted in Illinois courts, can not elude the consequences of their crimes by simply changing their names.
(b) If the petitioner files a statement attesting that disclosure of the petitioner's address would put the petitioner or any member of the petitioner's family or household at risk or reveal the confidential address of a shelter for domestic violence victims, that address may be omitted from all documents filed with the court, and the petitioner may designate an alternative address for service.
I assume that all readers of FWIW will have their own, well-formed opinions about immigration policy, both long-term and in recent years, and I have never immersed myself sufficiently in the minutiae of federalism to offer any expert opinion about which state efforts to evade federal law may be permissible and which may amount to nullification of the kind that I thought, as a history major and armchair historian, we had done away with as a result of the Civil War. However, it is clearly the intent of the drafters of this revision to the name change statute to frustrate the efforts of the Orange Man Bad and his incoming administration's efforts to enforce a particular view of the immigration statutes.
But what will be the consequences in other areas of the abandonment of a stutory publication requirement? Will that encourage fraud? Will our courts be made complicit? Is the temporary frustration of immigration enforcement in some cases worth the other changes unleashed by HB 5164?
Every law has consequences. In theory, that's why we make laws, to have the consequences the legislature desires. Most (and maybe all) laws have unintended consequences as well. Sometimes the consequences may not be intended... but they seem pretty darn obvious.
Saturday, October 26, 2024
There's a question we must ask as we endure another overlong Election Season: Why?
Or this one:The election is just around the corner—12 days to go! 📅 Check out these important deadlines to ensure your voice is counted. Every vote matters! 🗳️ #ElectionReady #election2024 pic.twitter.com/UqsomZpeqI
— Illinois SBE (@illinoissbe) October 24, 2024
Or this one:Prepare to be patient—this election may take days to determine. Some states count mail-in ballots after Election Day, and around half allow voters to fix issues post-election. Don't forget the 'Red Mirage/Blue Shift'—results can shift dramatically as mail-in ballots are counted. pic.twitter.com/JX7yqtkCgV
— Illinois SBE (@illinoissbe) October 24, 2024
Or, finally, this last example (promise, there are more):Curious about how the news declares a winner before official results? 🗳️ They look at historical data, mail-in voting trends, and exit polls to make educated guesses! Remember, results aren't official until certified! 📊 #ElectionAnalysis #VoteWisely pic.twitter.com/TqInd5BpdW
— Illinois SBE (@illinoissbe) October 16, 2024
A couple of things to keep in mind looking at these posts, particularly the three immediately above: First, the ISBE is not wrong. Under the laws currently in effect, it is going to take some time to collect and count all the votes cast in this general election. Second, the ISBE is not responsible for these laws. The General Assembly is. The ISBE and the many local election authorities (in Cook County, we have the Cook County Clerk, who is responsible for the suburban elections, and the Chicago Board of Elections) are charged with implementing the laws and effectuating the intent of the legislature.The election results you see on the news and the election authority's website on the night of the election are not official. Keep in mind that the results displayed on these sites are unofficial and may be updated until official results are certified on December 2, 2024. pic.twitter.com/cSIRdAceeZ
— Illinois SBE (@illinoissbe) October 10, 2024
Because of our laws, Election Day has morphed into Election Season:
The ISBE has posted information about how election officials are supposed to maintain the integrity of the process. Here are a couple of illustrative posts:
Election judges are on the lookout! 🗳️ They receive a roster of voters who have voted early or requested mail-in ballots to ensure fair play. If you have a mail-in ballot but want to vote in person, don’t forget to hand it over at the polling place first! #ElectionIntegrity pic.twitter.com/3KBUB8gvX2
— Illinois SBE (@illinoissbe) October 10, 2024
Interested in learning more about how the voting process works? Explore trusted resources like your state election office or local officials to get the facts. Let’s empower ourselves to vote confidently! #NationalVoterEducationWeek #election2024 pic.twitter.com/mRgF2ILpzF
— Illinois SBE (@illinoissbe) October 10, 2024
But questions about election integrity will arise when the results aren't (and can't) be known for a long time after the polls close. We should know who won and who lost within hours after the polls close... and we won't. It is entirely appropriate for the election authorities to try and educate, and reassure, the public about the many safeguards in place. It is also a losing battle... and not just in Illinois, where we have all heard stories of election shenanigans (some of them quite amusing) since we were little children. And I say this fully believing that elections here are much better run, and much more fairly run, than they were some decades ago.Engaging in mail-in voting fraud is illegal and also involves a complicated series of actions, such as intercepting ballots and forging signatures. Election officials have robust measures in place to protect the integrity of the voting process, making such fraud nearly impossible pic.twitter.com/jVuApa5Per
— Illinois SBE (@illinoissbe) October 11, 2024
So I applaud the education efforts of the election authorities. I appreciate them. But there will be suspicions and rumors no matter what. These will smolder in some corners of the Internet -- and every hour's worth of delay in getting results operates as oxygen, increasing the risk that these rumors and suspicions will burst into flame.
So now I have a question: Why is this necessary? Why is it necessary to have such a long, drawn-out election season, particularly one that may not end, as a practical matter, for as much as a week or more after the polls close?
Section 17-15(a) of the Election Code provides, in pertinent part, "Any person entitled to vote at a general or special election or at any election at which propositions are submitted to a popular vote in this State, shall, on the day of such election, be entitled to absent himself from any services or employment in which he is then engaged or employed, for a period of 2 hours between the time of opening and closing the polls; and such voter shall not because of so absenting himself be liable to any penalty...."
There are a few conditions that apply: The voter must ask in advance. The employer can specify when, during the shift, the voter can go. But the employer can not dock the voter for voting.
And, of course, on Election Day, the polls open at 6:00 a.m. and close at 7:00 p.m. -- and all those standing in line when the clock strikes 7:00 are also permitted to vote. So most people should be able to vote on Election Day, before or after work. That much should be obvious.
On the other hand, those of us who have lived here all our lives remember how L trains once developed technical difficulties during the evening rush on a mayoral election day, but only trains headed in certain areas of the City.
And some people work in professions where long days are the norm: Health professionals, perhaps, or firefighters. Maybe not all police officers on most shifts, but detectives can often get tied up for unexpectedly long times. It happens to lawyers sometimes, too.
For all of these and more, some form of early voting might make sense. But more than a month? Now, as a practical matter, our early voting in Cook County starts later than that and opens up to more sites only gradually. Voting in each of Chicago's 50 wards did not start until October 21. That's 15 days for wide early voting, not counting Election Day.
Doesn't that seem like about 8-10 days too many? Surely a motivated person, even though busy and working in a time-demanding occupation, should be able to find an hour or two to go vote in the week before Election Day, right?
And provision is made -- and should be made -- for hospitalized persons and persons who are housebound.
Persons living overseas have until October 28 to request a ballot. Why? Would people overseas not know that there's an election upcoming in the United States? (And, if there were possible, should those people really be voting here?)
People right here in Illinois can wait until October 31 to request a vote by mail ballot.Time is ticking! ⏰ Don't miss your chance to request a vote by mail ballot. The deadline is next Thursday, October 31st! Get yours here: https://t.co/dLJBLNDBrN 🗳️ #VoteByMail #Election2024 #MakeYourVoiceHeard pic.twitter.com/T1ymuIXCpG
— Illinois SBE (@illinoissbe) October 25, 2024
Ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you thusly: The problem is not VBM per se. The problem is that large numbers of VBM ballots will come in after the polls close since they can be mailed up to and including on Election Day. Anyone who might request a VBM ballot today could also take themselves to an early voting site.
If I were proposing policy, I'd suggest that VBM ballots must be returned, postmarked seven days before Election Day (this year, by October 29). That way, the vast majority of VBM ballots would be in place, ready to be counted, when the polls close on Election Night.
The outcome of the national election -- for instance -- for good or for ill -- would be known on Election Night.
As it should be.
But that's not the way it will work this year. Or for the foreseeable future.
The response to any proposal to curb this expansion of voting season is that any reforms amount to "voter suppression." But why? The burden of persuasion should rest on those who wish to drag out the election, despite the rumors and innuendoes and fear-mongering that arise when the polls have been closed for several hours and the result is still uncertain.
But don't blame the election authorities for the forthcoming uncertainty. The election authorities are doing the best they can with the terrible laws our legislators have given them.
We should demand better, here and around the country.
Friday, September 27, 2024
Because service in the Illinois General Assembly did not come with enough perks already....
Effective January 1, 2025, the Illinois Supreme Court has amended Supreme Court Rule 795 (CLE accreditation standards and hours), by adding a new subsection (d)(13), which provides:
Service as Elected or Appointed Member of the Illinois General Assembly. An attorney elected or appointed to the Illinois General Assembly earns three hours of general MCLE credit by attending at least one day of one qualifying legislative session. A "qualifying legislative session" is any official regular, special, or veto session of the Illinois General Assembly for which the member is present in the Illinois House of Representatives or Illinois Senate chambers or any official committee or subcommittee meeting of the Illinois House of Representatives or Illinois Senate for which the representative or senator is present. Credit for this attendance is limited to 3 hours for each qualifying legislative session and is capped at 12 hours in each two-year reporting period. There is no carryover of these credits to another two-year reporting period and no professional responsibility credit is available. The attorney must report the credit earned from this activity to the MCLE Board using the Board's online submission process no later than the reporting deadline for the reporting period in which the attorney earned the credit. Newly admitted attorneys do not earn Illinois MCLE credit under this provision.It's not a complete get-out-of-CLE-free pass for lawyer-legislators: Hauling one's carcass down to Springfield and staying the day provides only a maximum of 12 of the required 30 CLE hours in any one reporting period (and only three in any given session) -- and the honorable member must still enter his or her attendance in the now-usual online manner (the dozen hours are not assumed or automatically conferred). Moreover, these are general credits only, meaning attendance doesn't count toward the various professional resopnsibility hours requirements.
Still... was there really a burning need for this? Were significant numbers of lawyer-legislators working so diligently on the people's business that they were failing to attend to their own CLE requirements? One guesses that Someone Important must have asked for this... but FWIW does not have the investigative resources to find out who that Someone Important might be.
Tuesday, May 07, 2024
Weeping Angels amend Election Code... but why?
That's not how we do things in Illinois, of course.
Not for anything important. When our General Assembly does something important, or at least something it thinks is important, it materializes a statute out of seeming nowhere, in an eyeblink, and zips it through the process before anyone on the Outside has a chance to know it is happening.
That's how we know P.A. 103-0586 must be important. It must be really important because it sprang into existence, fully formed, out of less than nothing, in the course of 48 hours or less -- and was signed by the Governor the very next day.
In fact, P.A. 103-0586 must be really, really important because the Springfield Weeping Angels chose to rush this statute through before the end of the current legislative term.
Those of you familiar with these legislative shenanigans can skip ahead a few paragraphs, when we get to the specifics of what P.A. 103-0586 is trying to accomplish. But, for the rest of you, a brief look at the legislative history of SB2412 may prove entertaining. Or terrifying.
As introduced, SB2412 was apparently a substantive attempt to amend the Children and Family Services Act. It was filed in February 2023, and, in due course, referred to committee. It passed through committee unanimously and, by March 29, 2003, it passed its third and final reading in the State Senate 57-0. Not controversial. Also, not anything that would be on the radar of anyone tasked with monitoring changes to Illinois election law.
SB2414 arrived in the House without apparent incident. But on May 16, 2023, Assistant Majority Leader Robert "Bob" Rita introduced an "amendment" to SB2412. Here is that amendment: You've heard of "shell bills" perhaps. This is what one looks like. This is what the Weeping Angels seem to need in order to weave their magic.
On account of this brilliant piece of legislative drafting (deleting "and" and then inserting "and" back in -- it sort of makes my heart swell with patriotic pride at the craftsmanship of of it all) the newly 'amended' bill had to go back to committee... where it passed on what looks like a party line vote. Then it was set up for a Second Reading in the House. With legislation, though, it's the third time that's the charm, and the legislative history reveals that SB2412 was set up for its third reading/final action through May 31, 2023.
And then nothing happened.
Except... on May 31, 2023 it was "re-referred" to the Rules Committee. Ready for whenever it might be needed.
Whenever came 11 months and one day later: On May 1, 2024 SB2412 got a new sponsor, Assistant Majority Leader Jay Hoffman, from downstate Belleville, and all new language (via House Floor Amendment No. 2, an amendment filed by the aformentioned Rep. Hoffman). In fact, it got the language it has now. And on May 1, it went back to committee, and back out of committee. Still on May 1, the amendment was adopted on the floor of the House and the newly amended SB2412 passed on its third and final reading, 67-4. Forty abstentions were recorded; apparently the Republican members of the House walked out, rather than vote against the bill.
SB2414 went back to the Senate at this point, where the two "amendments" to the innocuous, not-election-related proposal that it had been when it was last in the State Senate were adopted, in sequence. Senate Republicans apparently boycotted these votes (recorded as 35-3-18). All of this on May 2.
And, as already noted, the Governor signed SB2412, now P.A. 103-0586, on May 3, effective immediately.
In Springfield, don't blink!
So... what does P.A. 103-0586 purport to do?
Well, this is where it gets interesting: Some of it appears to be fairly standard election year theatrics. Some of it appears to be a helpful reform to our very congested election calendar. And the middle part of it -- the one that apparently triggered the Republican boycott -- prevents political parties from putting candidates on the ballot in the general election where no candidate of that party came forward in the primary.
The election year theatrics are found in Articles 2, 3, and 4 of the new law. These articles certify three advisory referendum questions for the statewide November ballot:
Nothing binding here... just a means of potentially ginning up turnout from among constituencies that the Democratic majority would like to see at the polls on Election Day. (Just a side note here for our elected leaders: Do you see how easy it would be to put a referendum on the ballot calling for fair election maps drawn by a nonpartisan commission?)
- Should any candidate appearing on the Illinois ballot for federal, State, or local office be subject to civil penalties if the candidate interferes or attempts to interfere with an election worker's official duties?
- Should the Illinois Constitution be amended to create an additional 3% tax on income greater than $1,000,000 for the purpose of dedicating funds raised to property tax relief?
- Should all medically appropriate assisted reproductive treatments, including, but not limited to, in vitro fertilization, be covered by any health insurance plan in Illinois that provides coverage for pregnancy benefits, without limitation on the number of treatments?
The potentially helpful part of the statute is in the amendments to §§7-11 and 7-12 of the Election Code, 10 ILCS 5/7-11 and 7-12, moving up petition filing dates by 28 days. This would allow more time for election boards to consider challenges to nominating petitions and potentially allow for their disposition prior to the start of early voting. Perhaps, in the next election cycle, we can avoid any necessity to 'halt early voting' whilst appeals proceed on petition challenges.
I believe this will move the entire election calendar up by those same 28 days. Petition signing may begin 28 days sooner, perhaps. But that is my hunch, not yet backed up with research or authoritative opinion. Actual election lawyers are looking into this carefully, I am sure. Persons interested in running for office in 2026 should be paying careful attention to this as well... and, of course, should be consulting an election lawyer sooner rather than later. (At least 28 days sooner, I would say.)
The controversial part of P.A. 103-0586 appears to be the amendments to §7-61 and §8-17 of the Election Code (10 ILCS 5/7-61 and 10 ILCS 5/8-17) and related statutes. Clearly, judging by the partisan outrage, the Legislature did this for somebody specific... or to someone specific. Maybe both. Those of us on the Outside are unlikely to find out the particulars.
Before P.A. 103-0586, where no candidate ran in the primary, or was nominated as a write-in, the leaders of that party could thereafter appoint someone to 'fill in the blank' on the ballot. If you clicked on the news link a few paragraphs above, you may have noticed that this practice was referred to as 'slating.' Apparently.
Obviously, 'slating' Downstate and slating in County Cook are different things.
There were hoops that had to be jumped through by the person so appointed, and apparently these have grown more complicated over time. Entropy increases is a law of physics. When it comes to legislation, it is complexity that increases.
Probably most FWIW readers have never even heard of this practice. Since I've been on this beat, this was done exactly once in a Cook County judicial race, in 2014, in the 4th Subcircuit. I wrote about it then.
But the new act purports to preclude political parties from nominating candidates for election without going through a primary.
The operative language appears to be in §8-17 of the Election Code which, on its face, seems to be about candidates who die on or before the primary. It previously provided, and continues to provide, a procedure for parties to replace a candidate who dies before or after the primary, or declines his or her nomination, or withdraws from the general election.
But §8-17 used to allow this procedure to be used "should the nomination for any other reason become vacant." That language is now stricken by P.A. 103-0586. Further, the second sentence in that second paragraph now reads, "However, if there was no candidate for the nomination of the party in the primary, no candidate of that party for that office may be listed on the ballot at the general election."
So... assuming the law holds up against an expected legal challenge (on the grounds that the rules of the election are being changed in the middle of the election cycle, and not just for the future)... all currently unopposed candidates will remain unopposed (pending, if you really want to be technical, the vanishly small possibility that some independent candidate might somehow qualify for the November ballot).
Again, however, the provisions now amended by P.A. 103-0586 have only been used once in Cook County judicial races in many years. There was a rumor that the Republicans were going to field a candidate in, oddly enough, the 4th Subcircuit, but, from what I heard, the prospective candidate in question decided against running this time... even before the Weeping Angels struck. It seems highly unlikely that all this legislative effort was made to prevent a contest in the 4th Subcircuit.
But you can bet your mortgage this was done for a reason. Probably to help a specific person, presumably an incumbent, or to prevent a specific person from slipping onto the November ballot. But who?
Saturday, January 27, 2024
Decision expected Monday in Gallagher and Murray case
I do not mean to sound flip or frivolous. Obviously this is a matter of great importance, particularly to the candidates, both those that have been removed from the ballot, and their erstwhile opponents, who stand to lose their uncontested path to election if the Electoral Board is reversed in this case. Still, it was a pleasure to watch and listen to Ed Mullen, for Judges Gallagher and Murray, and Burt Odelson and Michael Kasper, for the objectors, as they made their respective cases.
The news here is that Judge Conway took the matter under advisement, indicating that she will make a ruling Monday. According to conversations I had with counsel and with knowledgeable observers, however Judge Conway rules, whoever she rules against will take the case to the Appellate Court. FWIW will report Judge Conway's decision as soon as possible.
Unsuprisingly, the parties' arguments were consistent with those made before the Electoral Board. This is as it must be, of course. In reporting here those items from Thursday's argument that caught my particular attention, I do not mean to suggest any deviation from the prior course laid out by either side or any undue or new emphasis placed on these items.
As would be expected, Mullen used the words 'substantial' or 'substantially' many times in laying out his case, noting that the word 'substantially' is even used in the very first sentence of §7-10 of the Election Code, 10 ILCS 5/7-10. Odelson agreed that the word is used there, but only to modify a petition form that has actully been long abandoned.
I could not possibly immerse myself in the cases to the degree that counsel in this case have; often enough, one or more of them was counsel in the cases cited. But, it seems to me that 'substantial compliance' here applies, or does not, regardless of where the word 'substantially' appears in the statute. The presence or absence of that word in the statute does not appear, in my reading to date, to have been dispositive in any of the many cases in which 'substantial compliance' with various provisions of the Election Code have been deemed sufficient. I believe Mullen made this point in his final rebuttal.
I suppose I should not have been surprised that the parties differ on the applicable standard of review. The candidates assert that review of the Electoral Board's decision should be de novo. The objectors, on the other hand, suggested that the issue here presents a mixed question of law and fact.
This potentially makes a huge difference: Citing Cinkus v. Village of Stickney Municipal Officers Electoral Board, 228 Ill.2d 200, 209-211 (2008), the Supreme Court in Corbin v. Schroeder, 2021 IL 127052, ¶32, explained, "Our standard of review of the Electoral Board’s decision depends on the question presented. Id. at 209-10. Where the appeal presents a question of fact, we will not overturn the Electoral Board’s decision unless it is against the manifest weight of the evidence. Id. at 210. Where the appeal presents a question of law, we proceed de novo. Id. And where the appeal concerns the Electoral Board’s determination on a mixed question of law and fact, that decision will not be disturbed unless it is clearly erroneous."
Here is an example of where framing may be dispositive. There are no disputed facts here. The circulator's oath says what it says. If that means the issue is one of statutory construction only, de novo review will apply. Hutchinson v. Illinois State Board of Elections, 2022 IL App (1st) 220678, ¶23 ("proper interpretation of a statute is a question of law that we review de novo").
On the other hand, as the Supreme Court stated in Beggs v. Board of Education of Murphysboro Community Unit School Dist. No. 186, 2016 IL 120236, ¶50, "A mixed question of fact and law examines the legal effect of a given set of facts. [Citation.] Put another way, a mixed question asks whether the facts satisfy the statutory standard or whether the rule of law as applied to the established facts is or is not violated." So, just because the facts are undipsuted, it does not necessarily mean that the question to be determined is solely a question of law.
The Supreme Court took another stab at explaining the distinction in Goodman v. Ward, 241 Ill.2d 398, 406 (2011): "Our court has held that where the historical facts are admitted or established, the controlling rule of law is undisputed and the issue is whether the facts satisfy the statutory standard, the case presents a mixed question of fact and law for which the standard of review is 'clearly erroneous.' Cinkus, 228 Ill.2d at 211. We have also held, however, that where the historical facts are admitted or established, but there is a dispute as to whether the governing legal provisions were interpreted correctly by the administrative body, the case presents a purely legal question for which our review is de novo. Hossfeld v. Illinois State Board of Elections, 238 Ill.2d at 423."
In Goodman, a case involving the residency of a judicial subcircuit candidate in Will County, the Supreme Court concluded that the de novo standard of review would apply. While there is older case law that says that, even under de novo review, "some 'deference' should be given 'to the interpretation given by the agency charged with the administration of the statute'," Rita v. Mayden 364 Ill.App.3d 913, 919 (2006) ("THE COACH" case), and while this idea has surfaced in more recent cases as well (e.g., Akin v. Smith, 2013 IL App (1st) 130441, ¶3)(Electoral Board's interpretation is entitled to "some deference, as it is the entity charged with interpreting the Electoral Code," citing Rita), Goodman suggests otherwise. In Goodman, the Supreme Court stated that the "de novo standard [is one] we have characterized as 'independent and not deferential'," (241 Ill.2d at 406) (internal quotation marks edited).
At Thursday's argument, Michael Kasper provided the court with some deep background about the General Assembly's adoption of the 4th, 2022-only circulator's oath language.
He explained that this was included in the legislation that became P.A. 102-0692 because the Illinois State Board of Elections Candidate's Guide had included a form petition in which date range language was used. This language was quickly added into the legislation to prevent disputes arising where candidates and their attorneys followed the ISBE petition format -- 'covering' the ISBE's error, as my notes of Kasper's argument reflect, although that is my understanding and summarization of what I got from his argument on this point, not in any way a direct quote.
I can't verify everything that Kasper said on the provenance of P.A. 102-0692. But we know that the first day for circulation of petitions in the 2022 election cycle was January 13. I can confirm that P.A. 102-0692 sprang to life full grown, as Senate Amendment 2 to HB 1953, on January 5, 2022. The legislative history shows that the 'amendment' was adopted by the Senate on January 5, and also by the House that same day, and signed into law by the Governor on January 7.
It is interesting stuff, certainly. But is it truly significant in this case?
The objectors insist that Gallagher and Murray were trying to update an abandoned 2022-only circulator's oath option for their 2024 petitions. But Gallagher and Murray say that is not what they were doing. Their position is that the date range set out in their circulator's oath substantially complied with the third option for such oaths under §7-10 -- and I think their case will stand or fall on whether the last and final court to hear their case agrees or disagrees with that position.
Tuesday, January 23, 2024
Substantive issues involved in the Gallagher and Murray appeal from the Electoral Board's decision removing them from the March primary ballot
It is short and to the point, much shorter, in fact, than the hearing officer's report. But, remember, the Electoral Board's decision is the one that counts, and it is now before the Circuit Court on judicial review (it will be up in court on January 25).
Any serious discussion of the Electoral Board's decision requires consideration of the relevant provisions of §7-10 of the Election Code, 10 ILCS 5/7-10. This lengthy statute, which specifies the form that nominating petitions must take in order to be valid, was twice amended in anticipation of the 2022 primary, first by P.A. 102-0015 (discussed more at this June 2021 FWIW post) and, later, by P.A. 102-0692.
The specific provisions of §7-10 that are relevant to this controversy are set out below. As it happens, none of the amendments to §7-10 provided by P.A. 102-0015 are included in these excerpted provisions; only those added by P.A. 102-0692 are relevant to this discussion. These are set out in red below:
At the bottom of each sheet of such petition shall be added a circulator statement signed by a person 18 years of age or older who is a citizen of the United States, stating the street address or rural route number, as the case may be, as well as the county, city, village or town, and state; and certifying that the signatures on that sheet of the petition were signed in his or her presence and certifying that the signatures are genuine; and either (1) indicating the dates on which that sheet was circulated, or (2) indicating the first and last dates on which the sheet was circulated, or (3) for elections where the petition circulation period is 90 days, certifying that none of the signatures on the sheet were signed more than 90 days preceding the last day for the filing of the petition, or (4) for the 2022 general primary election only, certify that the signatures on the sheet were signed during the period of January 13, 2022 through March 14, 2022 or certify that the signatures on the sheet were signed during the period of January 13, 2022 through the date on which this Statement was sworn or affirmed to and certifying that to the best of his or her knowledge and belief the persons so signing were at the time of signing the petitions qualified voters of the political party for which a nomination is sought. Such statement shall be sworn to before some officer authorized to administer oaths in this State.Obviously, Gallagher and Murray were not running in the 2022 primary. They were hoping to run in 2024. But, quoting the Electoral Board's decision, the circulator's certification language on their petitions stated "that the sheets 'were signed in my presence, during the period of September 5, 2023 through December 4, 2023'."
As it happens, it was exactly 90 days between September 5, 2023 and December 4, 2023. September 5 was the first date on which petitions could have been lawfully circulated; December 4 was the last day for filing petitions during the regular judicial filing period. (Gallagher's and Murrays petitions were in fact filed on November 27, the first day on which petitions could have been filed.)
But, obviously, the circulator's statements did not indicate the specific dates on which each sheet was circulated, nor did it indicate the first and last days on which each sheet was circulated.
Had the circulator's statement parroted the third option, saying only that "none of the signatures on the sheet were signed more than 90 days preceding the last day for the filing of the petition," there would have been no grounds for objection. But, because the circulator's oath used specific dates instead of the exact language provided for in §7-10, the objectors claimed that the oath was fatally defective -- and the petitions invalid accordingly.
While the hearing officer rejected this argument, the Electoral Board (which, remember, was not bound to accept the hearing officer's view) found it persuasive:
The Illinois Supreme Court in the case of Jackson-Hicks v. East St. Louis Board of Election Commissioners, [2015 IL 118929] found that the provisions contained in section 7-10 of the Election Code are mandatory, and where the language of the statute is clear and unambiguous, strict compliance is required. The Objectors are correct that the language contained in the petition sheets is not specifically provided for in section 7-10, and that the legislature could have, but did not, extend the option of providing a range of dates of circulation that was allowed for the 2022 election cycle. The language on these petitions does not substantially comply with the statute.In Jackson-Hicks, the mayor of East St. Louis was removed from the ballot because, after 48 invalid signatures were stricken from his nominating petitions, the mayor had no more than 123 valid signatures, fewer than the minimum 136 required for that race under the relevant statute (§10-3 of the Election Code). The mayor argued that, with 123 signatures, his petitions 'substantially complied' with the signature requirement. But the Supreme Court disagreed (2015 IL 118929, ¶23):
Generally speaking, requirements of the Illinois Election Code are mandatory, not directory (Purnell v. Municipal Officers Electoral Board, 275 Ill. App. 3d 1038, 1039 (1995); Kellogg v. Cook County Illinois Officers Electoral Board, 347 Ill. App. 3d 666, 670 (2004)). Consistent with the principles governing the mandatory-directory dichotomy, a candidate’s failure to comply with mandatory provisions of the Election Code governing nomination papers will therefore render the nomination papers invalid ( Powell v. East St. Louis Electoral Board, 337 Ill.App.3d 334, 338 (2003)), and require that the candidate’s name be removed from the ballot (Knobeloch v. Electoral Board, 337 Ill.App.3d 1137, 1141 (2003).On the other hand, the Jackson-Hicks court recognized (2015 IL 118929, ¶36) that the Appellate Court has found, "in certain circumstances, substantial compliance can satisfy even a mandatory provision of the Election Code. See, e.g., Akin v. Smith, 2013 IL App (1st) 130441, ¶ 3 (missing language in notarial jurats on statements of candidacy did not warrant exclusion of candidates from ballot); Atkinson v. Roddy, 2013 IL App (2d) 130139 (objection to nominating papers properly rejected even though candidate filed statement of economic interest in wrong county); Samuelson v. Cook County Officers Electoral Board, 2012 IL App (1st) 120581 (single nonconforming page of petition did not result in disqualification of candidacy); Siegel v. Lake County Officers Electoral Board, 385 Ill.App.3d 452, 461 (2008) (good faith error in date listed by candidate in statement of candidacy and resolution to fill vacancy not sufficient to warrant removal of candidate from ballot)." However, the Supreme Court found that these cases (or other, similar cases, such as Zurek v. Cook County Officers Electoral Board, 2014 IL App (1st) 140446) were "of no relevance" in the case before it.
In the view of the Supreme Court, those Appellate Court cases involved situations where the "candidate met the basic requirements of the Election Code, but did so in a technically deficient manner." The case before it, however, involved "basic requirements" and the candidate's failure "to meet a threshold requirement completely" (2015 IL 118929, ¶37).
I therefore believe that the question to consider, in handicapping Gallagher's and Murray's chances on appeal in their case, is whether the courts will see their failure to chose one of the three options specified in the quoted language of §7-10 will be considered "basic" or just a 'technical deficiency.'
How does one try and figure that?
The cheap and easy, "bucks and clicks" way to do it would be to say that, since Gallagher and Murray are not the Party-endorsed candidates, the courts will see their misstep as basic... and fatal... and uphold the Electoral Board.
But such an approach denies the legitimacy of the objectors' arguments. And there is a solid, technical, statutory construction argument at issue here: For years, the Election Code has specified three, and only three, ways in which to phrase a circulator's oath. None of them involved specifying the range of dates during which petitions could be circulated, as the circulators of Gallagher's and Murray's petitions did here.
For the 2022 election cycle -- and only the 2022 election cycle -- the legislature did authorize a circulator's oath using the first-day-for-circulating, last-day-for-filing range that Gallagher and Murray used here.
Gallagher's and Murray's best argument (and this is my opinion only, and I don't have the benefit of the parties' briefs) is presumably that their date range language was substantially consistent with the third option always prescribed by the statute ("certifying that none of the signatures on the sheet were signed more than 90 days preceding the last day for the filing of the petition"). They merely 'did the math.'
That is a serious, substantive argument, and it may well carry the day on appeal. But the likely rejoinder is serious and substantive, too: If the date range language was always consistent with the third option, the General Assembly would not have needed to add a temoporary date range option for the 2022 election cycle only. Judging by what I heard when the case was argued before the Election Board on January 10, the argument would probably go something like this: The legislature clearly thought that the date range option was inconsistent with the three options previously specified by §7-10 before the amendments for the 2022 primary. If this wasn't the case -- if the date range option wasn't inconsistent with the existing statutory language -- there would be no reason to add it as an option for 2022. So the language must have been insufficient before P.A. 102-0692 and the 2022 election cycle. And, inasmuch as the date range option was made sufficient only for the 2022 election cycle, it is again invalid in 2024.
This is really a question of statutory construction.
And, where that is the question, there are some pretty clear general rules that presumably apply: "The primary rule of statutory construction is to ascertain and give effect to the legislature’s intent. Bettis v. Marsaglia, 2014 IL 117050, ¶13. 'The most reliable indicator of legislative intent is the statutory language, given its plain and ordinary meaning.' 1010 Lake Shore Ass’n v. Deutsche Bank National Trust Co., 2015 IL 118372, ¶21." Bueker v. Madison County, 2016 IL 120024, ¶13. The best indication of legislative intent "is found in the statutory language, given its plain and ordinary meaning." Price v. Philip Morris, Inc., 2015 IL 117687, ¶30. Legislative intent should be sought primarily from the language used in the statute. Abrahamson v. Illinois Dept. of Professional Regulation, 153 Ill. 2d 76, 91 (1992). "Statutory construction begins with the plain meaning of the language employed, and ends there when the meaning is clear." People v. Porter, 156 Ill.2d 218, 222 (1993).
In Jackson-Hicks, the Supreme Court did not overrule or invalidate the many cases that applied principles of substantial compliance to Election Code cases. But it did say that, 'generally speaking,' the provisions of the Election Code are mandatory, not directory, and therefore it is possible that the courts interpreting Jackson-Hicks may be increasingly unlikely to forgive even small missteps under principles of 'substantial compliance.' The Supreme Court’s judicial construction of a statute becomes part of the statute itself. Hernandez v. Lifeline Ambulance, LLC, 2020 IL 124610, ¶38; see also, Village of Vernon Hills v. Heelan, 2015 IL 118170, ¶19.
On the other hand, much as I am a sucker for a good, technical, down-and-dirty-in-the-text construction argument, and, indeed, much as I have raised such arguments many times in insurance policy construction and statutory construction cases in the course of my career, I have found that courts are not always receptive to the same.
On more than one occasion, I have seen my carefully-crafted consturction arguments swept aside with the court saying, in effect, that may be what the legislature said, but we know what the legislature really meant.... (I try to accept my lot cheerfully... but, in retirement, the practical effect of many such failed arguments over the years is the difference between clipping coupons from bonds and clipping coupons from the weekly shopper.)
But never mind any of that. The point is that there is ample precedent to support whatever outcome the courts reach in this case and I offer no prediction on the outcome.
In the final analysis, however, all may depend on whether the courts agree with the Electoral Board that allowing "careless and needless rewriting" in circulator's oaths will hamper the Electoral Board's work. Most lawyers have the luxury of time in pondering legal questions; deadlines can't always be extended, and never indefinitely, but they often can be, and frequently more than once.
It just doesn't work that way with elections. The calendar is inflexible. The law requires ballots to be ready by particular dates -- and, with the increased availability of vote-by-mail options, that date seems earlier in every election cycle. There isn't a lot of time for an Electoral Board to consider a lot of fine distinctions; insistence on strict compliance with the persnickety provisions of the Election Code may serve the status quo... and it unquestionably does... but it also provides the surest way for the Board to discharge its function in the limited time allotted. To those of us on the outside, the Electoral Board's statement that "allowing multiple variations in the circulator's affidavit could irreparably damage the integrity of the election process" may seem overheated, even hyperbolic. But we are not ordinarily under time constraints similar to those imposed on the election authorities.
In Jackson-Hicks, the Supreme Court seems to have considered the time pressures under which election authorities operate. Toward the end of the opinion, the Court imagines (2015 IL 118929, ¶40) what could happen were it to approve allowing approval of a nominating petition with fewer than the required number of signatures: "[T]here would be no way to insure consistency from one electoral jurisdiction to another, from one election to another, or even from one race to another. Local election officials could establish how many signatures are sufficient on a case-by-case basis according to a standard that is not only subjective and variable, but which lacks any obvious limits. Will 90% of the statutory minimum turn out to be enough? 75%? Less than that? Candidates will be left to speculate, and significant delay and uncertainty will inevitably result as objectors seek redress from the courts to review whether the signature cutoff was fairly and properly set by local election officials in particular cases."
The Jackson-Hicks court stated (2015 IL 118929, ¶41) "consideration of the consequences flowing from one interpretation of the law or another is not inappropriate speculation on an abstract or hypothetical proposition. Rather, it is an important factor under the analytical rubric established by this court for assessing whether a provision of the Election Code is mandatory or directory." So it is not impossible that a court may consider the concerns that the Electoral Board itself has raised about the potential consequences of having to assess the various forms of circulator oaths that may arise in the future if an oath is approved now that departs from those prescribed by statute. It certainly would not be improper were a court to do so.
On the other hand, a court may see a substantive difference between a prescribed minimum number of signatures on the one hand, and the use of a date range (that accurately 'does the math') on the other. So the outcome in this case will turn on statutory construction... and framing, too.
Tuesday, January 16, 2024
Has §7-10.2 of the Election Code become a Catch-22 for married women running for judge?
Looking more at the decision knocking Ashonta Rice off the Cook County judicial ballot....
When Mary Smith marries John Jones, she may become known as Mary Jones. At one time, perhaps as late as my parents' generation, this was almost universally the case. Since then... well, things have changed.
But not uniformly. Suppose Mary Smith had been practicing law for some years before marrying the aforementioned Mr. Jones. While, in every term of the Supreme Court, one can find examples of newly married women obtaining Orders changing their surnames on the Master Roll to conform with their newlywed status, our hypothetical Mary may be quite content to be known in the parish, or at her childrens' school, as Mary Jones, but insistent on remaining Mary Smith in her professional life.
Chances are, moreover, that there are still other settings in which Mary may use a combination of her married and maiden names, sometimes hyphenated, sometimes not. On certain bank accounts, perhaps, or on her voter's registration or driver's license. Maybe, just because they don't much like it, she makes her in-laws address her as Smith-Jones. There may be as many reasons for using all these variations on Mary's surname as there are settings in which her surname might be used -- but, in each case, it is still the same Mary.
I am certain that, if you consider your own circle of acquaintance, you will readily think of women, lawyers or not, who use their maiden names in some contexts, their married names in others, and/or hyphenated or merely adjacent names in still others. Welcome to the 21st Century.
Which brings us to §7-10.2 of the Election Code.
This section of the Code was amended in 2007 to require that:
If a candidate has changed his or her name, whether by a statutory or common law procedure in Illinois or any other jurisdiction, within 3 years before the last day for filing the petition or certificate for that office, whichever is applicable, then (i) the candidate's name on the petition or certificate must be followed by "formerly known as (list all prior names during the 3-year period) until name changed on (list date of each such name change)" and (ii) the petition or certificate must be accompanied by the candidate's affidavit stating the candidate's previous names during the period specified in (i) and the date or dates each of those names was changed....Failure to make the required disclosure would, henceforth, be grounds for removal from the ballot.
The apparent impetus for the insertion of this second sentence into §7-10.2 was the decision of a Park Ridge lawyer of German heritage to change his name to a more ballot-friendly Irish moniker. He did not just swap surnames, he changed his first and middle names as well.
Unfortunately for this person's judicial ambitions, the press got hold of the story... and, knowing that the papers were ready to pounce, he never did file. (He did, however, change his name back to the one his parents gave him.) (As I recall, not all the press coverage was negative. An Irish paper, the Irish Times, I think, wrote a rather good-humored article, welcoming the new Irishman.)
Whatever.
That near-occasion of candidacy was the reason for the statutory amendment. Perhaps the amended statute has since deterred others from attempting similar ploys. But if the purpose of the amendment was to keep people from assuming a more-electable name and then seeking election, it has certainly failed at least once. The way a candidate can entirely evade the past-names-disclosure provision is to keep his or her head down, and his or her new name out of the media, for more than three years.
I thought I had discerned all the pitfalls of §7-10.2 when I wrote about it in 2013.
As is all too frequently the case, I was wrong.
Section 7-10.2 was successfully deployed in the 2020 election cycle to knock Caroline Patricia Jamieson off the ballot. Caroline Patricia Jamieson had previously sought election to the bench, in the 2018 Democratic primary, as Caroline Jamieson Golden. The candidate's last name was Jamieson at birth; she had acquired the surname Golden by marriage. She'd used Golden on the Master Roll of Attorneys. She had been elected to her local suburban school board as Caroline Golden. On the other hand, she certainly had not changed her name; she'd done nothing like the Park Ridge attorney who'd inspired the name change amendment to §7-10.2. Instead, she chose to resume using a name she'd put aside some years back. But it was not a new name.
I wrote about that case, which went all the way to the Appellate Court (see, Oberholtzer v. Cook County Officers Electoral Board, 2020 IL App (1st) 200218-U), in some detail in February 2020. But I think that case can be quickly summarized this way: The candidate wasn't ruled off the ballot because she'd failed to disclose a change of name (second sentence of §7-10.2) but, rather, because she'd not used her actual "surname" in contravention of the first sentence of §7-10.2: Unlike our hypothetical Mary Smith and/or Mary Jones and/or Mary Smith-Jones, this candidate had (in the opinion of the judges deciding her case) not used both her married name and given name interchangeably, depending on circumstance and situation, but had really only used her married name. (Except, of course, that the challenge to her nominating petitions was based on an alleged violation of the name change provision, the second sentence of §7-10.2... and aren't petition challenges supposed to be limited strictly to the grounds asserted?)
I thought the answer to that parenthetical question is (and should have been in that case) "yes": In McCaskill v. Mun. Officers Electoral Board for the City of Harvey, 2019 IL App (1st) 190190, ¶32, the Appellate Court said it would not "create an objection never raised in the objector's petition before the Board," citing Wiesner v. Brennan, 2016 IL App (2d) 160115, ¶17, for the proposition that "all objections to nominating papers must be contained within objector's petition; no new objections may be raised or considered thereafter").
But, regardless, this brings us back, finally, to where we started, with the new case knocking Ashonta Rice off the ballot.
As the linked decision shows, the objection to Rice's nominating papers was grounded in that second sentence of §7-10.2, arguing her papers were fatally defective because they did not disclose that Ashonta C. Rice was "formerly known as" Ashonta C. Rice-Akiwowo.
The objectors submitted documentary evidence showing that Rice had used the surname Rice-Akiwowo or sometimes just Akiwowo after her 2012 marriage. FWIW readers will recall that Rice had run for a 15th Subcircuit vacancy, in 2018, as Rice-Akiwowo.
According to the linked decision, Rice filed a dissolution of marriage action in 2022. And therein lies the dispositive datum, in the opinion of those that matter, although I see this as nothing more than a red herring: An interim order was entered in that case (which is apparently still pending) entitled "Agreed Name Change Order," the operative language of which, according to the hearing officer's report and recommendation was, "Petitioner/Counter-Respondent, Ashonta C. Akiwowo is hereby granted leave to resume the use of her maiden name of RICE." Expert testimony was presented to suggest that this kind of a name change order, though common as part of the final disposition of a dissolution action, was, at this stage of the case, merely an interlocutory order subject to change at any time. Therefore, the exception to the name-change rule in the second sentence of §7-10.2, which is also contained in that very lengthy second sentence, excepting name changes "resulting from... dissolution of marriage" would not apply.
The objectors, the hearing officer, and the Electoral Board all took this interim order as proof that the candidate knew she was changing her name... which is why the first part of that second sentence of §7-10.2 would be implicated.
The hearing officer specifically noted that, after the name change order was entered, Rice changed her driver's license to Ashonta Rice. She changed her voter registration to Ashonta Rice. She changed her name back to Ashonta Rice with the Social Security Administration, too.
Well, of course she did: After Oberholtzer, and after Ruffin v. Feller, 2022 IL App (1st) 220692, any careful female lawyer with judicial aspirations and without official backing would and should anticipate some sort of name-based petition challenge. (In Ruffin, a divorced candidate for the office of Cook County Sheriff was ruled off the ballot. She had been granted leave to resume use of her maiden name as part of the final dissolution orders, but never re-registered to vote in her maiden name from the former marital residence, which she continued to occupy. Therefore, the Electoral Board ruled, and the Appellate Court affirmed, that, at the time of the signing of her statement of candidacy, there was no registered voter at the address given by the name of "Latonya Ruffin.")
As noted at the outset here, most married women, including women who marry and then divorce, proceed through life known by different names to different persons, in different settings, for different purposes, without much difficulty or confusion. But somehow female political candidates in Cook County are treated differently, as if, in bearing the various names that society bestows, they are trying to deceive the public like a candidate who really does change his or her name from one thing to something completely different, so the public might think the candidate was someone he or she was not.
Rice may not have helped her cause.
According to the hearing officer's report, when asked about the provenance of the name change order, Rice claimed that she could not "recall" who suggested it.
Fine. Rice would not be the first attorney who turned out to be a less than stellar witness on her own behalf. I can think of one excellent attorney that I had to present twice, in different cases, who could not turn off the lawyer-analyzing-everything portion of her brain and just answer the questions posed. She was playing chess, when only checkers was required, and she came off as evasive or uncertain.
I did not see Ashonta Rice testify, of course, and I don't know if she had the problem my friend did. But, if she did, it is no shame. Lawyers are not generally called upon to be witnesses; it is not part of our required skill set. The ability to come across as a good witness is certainly not required to be a good judge.
On the other hand, a fact finder, whether judge, jury, or hearing officer, can only evaluate what they see and hear. And if the testimony comes off badly, the witness' credibility will be damaged, perhaps fatally.
What Rice could have said, or at least what I think the truth is generally in these cases, if for some reason not actually so in Rice's case, is that, thanks to §7-10.2, a married woman candidate is now forced to navigate between Oberholzer and Ruffin, a modern-day Scylla and Charybdis. Heads I win, tails you lose. Catch-22.
I would agree that the §7-10.2 exception for name changes obtained in dissolution actions should not have applied in Rice's case -- but only because the first part of the second sentence of §7-10.2, prohibiting candidates from changing their names, also did not apply.
It is clear that Rice used her married name, or some hyphenated combination of given and married names, in a number of contexts. She ran for judge in 2018 as Rice-Akiwowo.
But, professionally, and unlike the candidate in the Oberholtz case who sometimes used her maiden name as a middle name but never as her surname until her last judicial run, Rice apparently always practiced law as Ashonta C. Rice. That is certainly the name she used when she applied for associate judge in 2015, in 2017, and in 2021.
Moreover, she was Ashonta C. Rice when she was slated by the Cook County Democratic Party as its 10th alternate in 2019, and again in 2021, when the Party slated her as its fourth alternate. (To be clear, in this election cycle, had she been allowed on the ballot, she would have been running against the Party's slated candidate.)
Rice never abandoned the surname Rice. She never put it to one side. She did not have to change her name 'back' to what it always was.
But, of course, that's only my opinion. And, if you have paying any attention here at all, my opinion is not the one that counts.
When the drafters of the amendment to §7-10.2 came up with a provision to prevent future German guys from pretending to be Irish, I very much doubt that they also intended it to weaponized against married women whose varying surnames conform to our current social customs. I am virtually positive that, even if that was their intention, such an intention was not communicated to the female members of the General Assembly who approved the amendment. Pending further amendment, or clarifying court action, however, this is where matters now stand.
Thursday, November 02, 2023
Who Sits Where: I've been doing it all wrong edition
That's the provision that increases the number of Cook County subcircuits from 15 to 20. And, in particular, readers are interested in §2f(d-5) which addresses the 'allotment' of "formerly associate judgeships" which are 'converted' into seats in the new subcircuits, up to 10 in each election cycle, until 55 have been created, 11 for each of the new Subcircuits 16-20.
The number of these newly allocated, or converted "formerly associate judgeships" continues to grow, as we'll get to when we get to the actual list below.
In prior lists, I had been referring to these as (for example) the "A" vacancy in the 16th Subcircuit. Why? Because when the original Cook County subcircuits were created, and the procedures implemented for distributing the vacancies reallocated (as former City-only or Suburbs-only judgeships fell vacant), or converted (as 60 associate judgeships became subcircuit seats), or otherwise created by the provisions of §2(a)(4)(i)-(v) of the Judicial Vacancies Act, 705 ILCS 40/2(a)(4)(i)-(v), that's how those positions were listed. I was a candidate for the "C" vacancy in the 10th Subcircuit in the 1994 judicial primary, for example. While we did not have any Alphabet-Letter vacancies to fill in 2022, we had an "A" vacancy in the 2nd Subcircuit in 2020; in 2016, we had "A" vacancies in the 6th and 12th Subcircuits.
But that's not how we're doing things this time, and I've been wrong to assume otherwise. The following list corrects that error.
You may wonder why there was a change. I certainly did.
According to Matt Dietrich, the Public Information Officer for the Illinois State Board of Elections, "It was determined that the judgeships in Cook County which are being allocated to the new subcircuits are not 'new judgeships,' but are instead existing associate judgeships which are being converted to the new subcircuits as those associate judgeship seats become vacant. When a vacancy occurs in a Cook County associate judgeship it gets converted to a seat in one of the new subcircuits, so it isn’t creating a new judgeship for the circuit or subcircuit, but is instead shifting the judgeships from associate judges to regular judgeships assigned to the new subcircuits."
And, of course, in a strict numerical sense, this is correct: The total number of judicial officers serving in Cook County trial courts is not changed by the creation of the new subcircuits because the increase in the number of new resident judgeships (the statutory name for subcircuit judgeships) is offset by a corresponding reduction in Cook County associate judge positions. See, §2(b-5) of the Associate Judges act, 705 ILCS 45/2(b-5). But this does rather gloss over the differences between judges elected by the public and associate judges, who elected by the judges of the circuit. The distinction has become less important over the course of my professional career, certainly, but it still exists.
The ISBE says, "This is the first time we have seen this type of allotment for judgeships, and have examined it closely in coordination with our Legal Division, representatives from Administrative Office of the Illinois Courts, Cook County Clerk, and the Chicago Board of Election Commissioners. All parties are in agreement that this is the most accurate way to list and describe these vacancies, due to the unique nature in which they are being created. To reiterate, they are different from an elected judge’s seat coming open, and they are not new judgeships created and added to the allotment for the county."
It certainly is accurate, and refreshingly transparent, to publicly disclose the provenance of each new subcircuit vacancy as it is 'converted.' But this is certainly not the first time judgeships have been allotted or converted like this. Even if one considers the conversion of the 56 City-only and 27 Suburb-only judgeships to subcircuit vacancies back in 1990 when the Cook County subcircuits were first created to be meaninfully different from the allocation or conversion now underway, there are still the 60 associate judgeships converted to subcircuit vacancies under the 1990 legislation (see 705 ILCS 40/2(a)(4)(i)-(v)). Those 60 AJ spots that became subcircuit seats pursuant to the legislation a generation ago also had a corresponding offset in the Associate Judges Act. See 705 ILCS 45/2(b). (Of the 165 resident judgeships created by the 1990 statute, only 22 were truly "new" or "additional," 705 ILCS 40/2(a)(4)(iii) and (iv).)
Bottom line, however, is this: New statute, new rules. And would-be candidates had better adhere to them. Dietrich cautioned that the new vacancies "will be certified to the ballot exactly like we have them listed on the page of vacancies. We would expect candidates to list them on their nomination documents in a similar manner that clearly identifies the specific seat they are seeking candidacy for."
But I still had a question about the vacancies created by the retirements of Judges Solganick and Toomin. These judges were elected prior to the original subcircuit act. Every other judge who fell within this category had their vacancy converted to an "A" vacancy in whatever subcircuit had the next opening under the "determination by lot" conducted by the Illinois Supreme Court pursuant to §2(d) of the Circuit Courts Act, 705 ILCS 35/2f(d). But the ISBE list shows a Solganick vacancy in the 7th Subcircuit and a Toomin vacancy in the 15th. Why?
The ISBE takes the position that the same reasoning that applies to the new subcircuits should now be applied to vacancies being assigned to existing subcircuits. Dietrich explained, "The Toomin and Solganick vacancies are created from an elected judicial officer’s seat after they retired. These are not new seats, they are being reassigned to subcircuits, and they are still in the Cook Circuit. The Cook Circuit still has the same number of judges, there is no net gain that would be realized if there was truly an 'additional judgeship.'"
There is certainly nothing 'wrong' with doing things this way; it merely is different. It is a departure from past practices. But, most important, it is the procedure that candidates will have to follow in order to get on the ballot. Dietrich again: By way of example, "for someone running for the Toomin vacancy in the 15th subcircuit, their nomination documents would indicate that the candidate is seeking nomination for Judge of the Circuit Court, in the 15th Subcircuit of the Cook County Judicial Circuit, to fill the vacancy of the Honorable Michael P. Toomin."
One final caveat before getting to the updated list: Some of the judges whose vacancies are listed below may still be coming into work -- but, once they have advised of their intent to leave, their vacancies are created.
Any and all errors of omission or commission in the following list are mine alone and I am grateful for additions and corrections provided. This list will be updated as events warrant.
Vacancy of the Hon. Maureen E. Connors -- Mary L. Mikva
Vacancy of the Hon. Joy V. Cunningham -- Cynthia Y. Cobbs
Vacancy of the Hon. Mathias W. Delort -- Unfilled
Vacancy of the Hon. Eileen O'Neill Burke -- Carl A. Walker
Vacancy of the Hon. James P. Flannery, Jr. -- Unfilled
Vacancy of the Hon. Vincent Gaughan -- Corrine Cantwell Heggie
Vacancy of the Hon. Catherine Haberkorn -- Sarah Rodak Johnson
Vacancy of the Hon. Arnette Hubbard -- Deidre M. Dyer
Vacancy of the Hon. Marcia Maras -- Arlene Y. Coleman-Romeo
Vacancy of the Hon. Raymond W. Mitchell -- Neil H. Cohen
Vacancy of the Hon. Timothy P. Murphy -- Edward J. Underhill
Vacancy of the Hon. Lorna Propes -- Debjani D. Desai
Vacancy of the Hon. William Raines -- Unfilled
Vacancy of the Hon. Laura M. Sullivan -- Unfilled
Vacancy of the Hon. Debra B. Walker -- Chloé G. Pedersen
Vacancy of the Hon. Edward S. Harmening -- Unfilled
4th Subcircuit
Vacancy of the Hon. Peter A. Felice -- Unfilled
Vacancy of the Hon. Edward J. King -- Phillip J. Fowler
Vacancy of the Hon. Edward M. Maloney -- Unfilled
5th Subcircuit
Vacancy of the Hon. Casandra Lewis -- Unfilled
7th Subcircuit
Vacancy of the Hon. Irwin J. Solganick -- Owens J. Shelby
8th Subcircuit
Vacancy of the Hon. Ann Collins-Dole -- Unfilled
10th Subcircuit
Vacancy of the Hon. Clare E. McWilliams -- Unfilled
Vacancy of the Hon. Gregory J. Wojkowski -- James S. Murphy-Aguilu
11th Subcircuit
Vacancy of the Hon. Ann Finley Collins -- Unfilled
Vacancy of the Hon. Paula M. Daleo -- Unfilled
12th Subcircuit
Vacancy of the Hon. Grace G. Dickler -- Unfilled
Vacancy of the Hon. Marguerite Quinn -- Unfilled
Vacancy of the Hon. Andrea M. Schleifer -- Unfilled
13th Subcircuit
Vacancy of the Hon. Samuel J. Betar III -- Unfilled
Vacancy of the Hon. Ketki Shroff Steffen -- Unfilled
14th Subcircuit
Vacancy of the Hon. James N. O'Hara -- Unfilled
Vacancy of the Hon. Daniel J. Pierce -- Unfilled
15th Subcircuit
Vacancy of the Hon. Anna Helen Demacopoulos -- Unfilled
Vacancy of the Hon. Michael P. Toomin -- Unfilled
16th Subcircuit
Converted from the Associate Judgeship of Lawrence E. Flood
Converted from the Associate Judgeship of Maxwell Griffin, Jr.
17th Subcircuit
Converted from the Associate Judgeship of Carmen K. Aguilar
Converted from the Associate Judgeship of Brian K. Flaherty
18th Subcircuit
Converted from the Associate Judgeship of James B. Linn
19th Subcircuit
Converted from the Associate Judgeship of Robert E. Senechalle, Jr.
20th Subcircuit
Converted from the Associate Judgeship of Elizabeth M. Budzinski
---------------------------------------------------------
Thursday, August 17, 2023
So why don't we have certified subcircuit vacancies yet in Cook County? The Supreme Court explains
FWIW has followed up with the Supreme Court concerning the status of subcircuit vacancies.
An email received late yesterday afternoon from Chris Bonjean, Chief Communications Officer of the Illinois Courts, provides an explanation:
Last Monday, all Supreme, Appellate and At-Large Circuit vacancies for the State were certified per the Election Code. Subcircuit vacancies could not be certified, because pursuant to the recently enacted subcircuit legislation (Public Acts 102-693 and 102-1126) the Supreme Court must first enter several Orders to convert judgeships in several circuits and allot judgeships to their new subcircuits, where applicable. After those conversions/allotments are completed, the vacancies can be certified to the State Board of Elections.I know for a fact that, outside Cook County, a number of formerly countywide seats are being converted into new subcircuit seats. I don't pretend to know what paperwork is involved.
I will let you know once the subcircuit process is complete.
While I don't think any of these necessary conversions or allotments has anything to do with Cook County -- vacancies in our newly created subcircuits are allotted, presently, per statute, as new associate judge vacancies occur (at least until 10 such occur in any given election cycle) -- the Court is evidently taking the position that until it sorts out the new subcircuits everywhere, no subcircuit vacancies will be certified anywhere.
So we wait.
But an official list is coming.
Wednesday, August 16, 2023
We've got a map showing all the redrawn Cook County Subcircuits
Indeed, we don't have an official list of vacancies in the redrawn Subcircuits 1-15 (my Who Sits Where list is entirely unofficial).
This was a source of comment and even apparent consternation among attendees at this week's Cook County Democratic Party slating meeting.
I mentioned in my post earlier today that Yolanda Sayre, a judicial hopeful who appeared before the slatemakers, acknowledged to the Central Committee that she was eyeing a 5th Subcircuit vacancy which I think exists... but hasn't been certified... because (as those of you who refresh the ISBE website every hour or so will attest) no subcircuit vacancies are currently listed. Anywhere in the State.
There was talk at the slating meeting that the Supreme Court had 'reallocated' some Cook County subcircuits last Thursday -- but no one seemed to know what that might mean. At least while I was within earshot. I am working official channels for actual information on this... and I will continue to do so... but that is what I know at this hour.
There were rumors -- not at slating, but before -- that there was a problem with the subcircuit redistricting that would prevent any new subcircuit seats from being filled, even after the Legislature supposedly fixed things. I didn't give these rumors much credence at the time and did not follow up. Perhaps I should have.
For now, though, I continue to believe there are new Cook County subcircuits that will elect up to 10 judges next year.
Assuming that remains the case, here is the map (get out your magnifying glasses, people, or click here for the map on the County website from which the map was obtained):
Wednesday, July 19, 2023
Isn't cash bail or no cash bail really beside the point?
The Supreme Court did not explain its reasons, but it is not unreasonable to guess that time is needed to give courts time to figure out new practices and procedures consistent with the new laws. While these measures enjoyed wide support among statewide elected officials and officials in a few counties, including Cook County, of course, these measures were actively opposed by most prosecutors and law enforcement agencies around the State. Anyone who watched the oral argument in this case before the Supreme Court presumably came away with the impression, as I did, that the Supreme Court was likely to uphold what is colloquially referred to as the SAFE-T Act -- but I've drawn the wrong conclusions from watching oral arguments before -- and, until yesterday morning, the opponents of the Act could still harbor hope.
Now, all these one-time opponents of the law must learn to live with and function under it.
Politicians and even their less responsible siblings, TV and social media talking heads, are, according to their chosen "silos", aghast or aglow about the Supreme Court's decision. In the former category, a Twitterer calling herself Lisa Marie says the "justice system is now a joke." Downstate Congressperson Mary Miller cries that the "Illinois Supreme Court [has] erased the rights of crime victims." Dan Proft warns ominously, "Get ready for more of that big-city livin', suburbanites."
On the other hand, the embedded Tweet shows Gov. Pritzker and Speaker Welch rejoicing upon learning of the Supreme Court's decision. In a celebratory statement, Cook County Board President (and County Democratic Party Chair) Toni Preckwinkle enthused, "By ending money bond, we have taken a significant step forward in dismantling a system that disproportionately impacts our Black and Brown communities." ABC-7 collected a number of reactions to the decision, including this quote from Mayor Brandon Johnson: "Cash bail does not make communities safer, and it never has; it has simply exacerbated existing inequities and disparities in the criminal legal system. Pretrial detention, as a result of the inability to pay bail, further decimates communities that have long been most impacted by mass incarceration, and the destabilization of households and families."TFW you learn Illinois is no longer criminalizing poverty! These snapshots show the exact moment Gov. Pritzker and I received the Supreme Court decision that makes Illinois the first state in the nation to ensure violent offenders can no longer buy their way out of jail. This is… pic.twitter.com/rOqZEi93Mh
— Speaker Emanuel “Chris” Welch (@SpeakerWelchIL) July 18, 2023
But this statement yesterday, from Gov. Pritzker, may turn out to be the most important: "We can now move forward with historic reform to ensure pre-trial detainment is determined by the danger an individual poses to the community instead of by their ability to pay their way out of jail."
Because that is the bottom line: Under the new law, will judges be able to detain truly dangerous persons while they await trial? I would find it hard to believe that any judge (any judge, that is, even remotely faithful to his or her oath) ever deliberately released someone on bail knowing that said person was certain to commit another, possibly more heinous, offense. And yet -- obviously -- persons free on bail have been accused of serious crimes. It happens now with "affordable bail" and it happened before "affordable bail" became a watchword. Cash bail has never been an ironclad guarantee against further criminal conduct by those inclined to commit crimes.
The only way to guarantee (or, if you will, "ensure") that no accused person commits another offense while waiting for trial is to detain everyone, always. And no one wants that. Reasonable people may differ on how danger to the community may be measured. But -- and pardon my ignorance, for I never did practice regularly in our criminal courts -- wasn't this a sticking point with cash bail, too?
In other words, we're all going to have to see how the new system works in actual practice.
If it turns out to be Armageddon, or The Purge, or whatever the fearmongers predict, you can bet that judges will take the blame. The fearmongers already are blaming the justices of the Supreme Court. But, if things turn out badly, the very pols now praising the SAFE-T Act to the skies will not hesitate to insist that judges screwed up the implementation.
Now, judges must follow the law. I know there are some in both silos who insist that judges do not in fact do this, but I am confident (to take a relevant example) that both the five Supreme Court justices who upheld the SAFE-T Act yesterday and the two dissenters were fully confident of their own compliance with Rule 1.1 of the new Code of Judicial Conduct. Moreover, I am convinced that the five justices in the majority and the two dissenting judges each thought their colleagues on the other side wrong, but also fully compliant with the overriding command to follow the law.
Non-lawyers sometimes seem to have a hard time with this. But lawyers understand, or should understand, that, when our Supreme Court speaks on a matter within its authority, discussion is over and remains over, at least for the foreseeable future. The Illinois Supreme Court had the final word on the SAFE-T Act, and it has spoken. There is an old expression most lawyers know: The Supreme Court is not final because it is always right, but it is right because it is always final.
So the law enforcement agencies, the prosecutors, and the judges -- especially the judges -- will have to learn how to work with these new measures, whether they like them or not. And the Supreme Court has given all of them, those who supported the SAFE-T Act, and those who opposed it, 60 additional days to figure out how.
From my non-specialist perspective, cash bail or no cash bail seems really beside the point. Cash bail was merely a tool -- one tool -- that judges had for detaining dangerous persons before trial. The real issue here is whether the SAFE-T Act provides our judges with sufficient other tools "to ensure," as Gov. Pritzker promised, that "pre-trial detainment is determined by the danger an individual poses to the community."
If some judges find that the SAFE-T Act does not provide sufficient tools for this purpose, those judges must nevertheless follow the law as required by Rule 2.4(A) of the Code of Judicial Conduct, "[un]swayed by public clamor or fear of criticism." Comment 1 to that rule instructs that judges must "decide cases according to the law and facts, without regard to whether particular laws or litigants are popular or unpopular with the public, the media, government officials, or the judge's friends or family."
But their hands are not tied. Although judges can not make public comments about pending matters under Rule 2.10, they can explain their actions in the course of announcing their decisions. If a judge finds, under the law, that he or she can not order pretrial detention for someone who in their view is likely to reoffend, an explanation of the provisions that were considered and deemed insufficient for this purpose would be helpful. Moreover, under Rule 3.2(A) and Rule 3.2(B), judges are permitted to voluntarily appear and consult with executive and legislative bodies "in connection with matters concerning the law, the legal system, or the administration of justice," and "in connection with matters about which the judge acquired knowledge or expertise in the course of the judge's legal duties." See also, comment 2 to Rule 2.1, "judges are encouraged to participate in activites that promote public understanding of and confidence in the justice system."
Judges did not create the SAFE-T Act. Five Illinois Supreme Court justices upheld its constitutionality. They did not attest to the wisdom or virtue or utility of the SAFE-T Act, however, because, unless a statute is actually unconstitutional, "The wisdom of the enactment of any law is vested in the discretion of the Legislature, and courts cannot declare the laws invalid because they are unwise or unreasonable." People ex rel. Shultz v. Russel, 294 Ill. 283, 286 (1920).
The SAFE-T Act may usher in a new Golden Age, as the activists and politicians who imagined it insist. It may prove a disaster. Most likely, it will prove not as transformative as its drafters hoped, or as terrible as its detractors feared. Who knows? In raw numbers, pretrial detentions may actually go up without cash bail. But cash bail is not the issue. Public safety is.